of the cantons began to carry measures of reform. Amongst these
was Ticino, into which some fatal abuses had crept. To make up for
their political deficiencies, and to rekindle their smouldering
patriotism, the Swiss, as they had done before, turned to the past
history of their country. They founded patriotic and literary clubs, and
established liberal and benevolent institutions. Monuments were
erected at classical spots—Morat, St. Jacques, the lion monument,
and so forth. Eminent painters like Vogel and Didary chose national
historical events for their canvas; and Rudolf Wyp composed the fine
national anthem, " Rufst Du mein Vaterland."[99] A naturalists' club at Geneva, a students' association at Zofingen, and a society of
marksmen—still in existence—were started, whilst the old Helvetic
Society of the eighteenth century left behind its mere theorizings and
discussions, and became an active political club.
[Pg 384]
All these things tended greatly to spread and promote Swiss
liberalism, of which many noble champions had sprung up, now and
in the previous period, like the veteran trio—Victor von Bonstetten,
the friend of Madame de Staël, La Harpe, and Usteri; like Troxler,
Zschokke, Monnard, Von Orelli and others, far too numerous even to
name here. Under such men Switzerland moved on. "No human
efforts can succeed in permanently leading back mankind to the old
lines of a past and less enlightened age. To struggle onwards, and to
reach the end aimed at is the quickening stimulus in every thinking
being." Such were the encouraging words of Usteri, a champion
whom the party of progress regarded as an oracle. Military matters
received a great impetus by the formation of a central school for
officers at Thun, and the increase of the army from fifteen thousand
to thirty thousand men. It hardly needs to be said that when the
struggle of the Greeks for independence began they had the hearty
sympathy and support of the Swiss.[100]
In 1830 the revolution of July hurled from his throne Charles X., and
raised to his place Louis Philippe. Strangely enough the effects of this
movement were felt almost more abroad than in France itself.
Certainly its influence on Switzerland was very considerable, and it
hurried on various changes of a sweeping character in that country,
changes, however, which had been long preparing.
[Pg 385]
Constitutional struggles, both federal and cantonal, crowded the next
few years, and confessional difficulties tended not a little to quicken
them. With nearly all the states, excepting some of the laender, the
chief object now became the revision of their charters, so as to make
them more consistent with the principles of popular rights and
equality. Glarus, Uri, and Unterwalden were as yet averse to making
changes, however justifiable and desirable they might seem to the
rest of the country. The reforms were for the most part quietly carried
out, but there were popular oppositions and stormy disputes in
places. Bern was at first inclined to be conservative, but once
embarked on the sea of reformation, sided strongly with the more
progressive Zurich. Freiburg returned a crowd of fifty-seven priests
and seventeen professors, all of the Jesuit order, and these ousted
Girard, the Catholic Pestalozzi, from his noble work at St. Michael's
College. Zurich proceeded in a peaceful and interesting fashion. Here
as in other cases the city had a great preponderance of political
power over the country districts of the canton. The fourteen thousand
citizens elected one hundred and thirty representatives, as against
the eighty-six assigned to the two hundred thousand rural inhabitants.
The cause of the country folk was ably and without bitterness
championed by two eloquent speakers, Guyer and Hegetschweiler;
and a motion was carried which allotted to the rural districts two-thirds
of the seats on the council board. This "day of Uster," as it was
called, proved a great landmark in political development. The
sovereignty of the people was now the basis on which reforms were
made. The foundation was laid for better administration, and social
improvement and provision was made for necessary revisions of the
constitution. To safeguard their constitutions against the influence of
reactionists, seven cantons entered into a league— Siebner-
Concordat—March, 1832. They were Bern, Zurich, Lucerne,
Solothurn, St. Gall, Aargau, and Thurgau.
[Pg 386]
INTERLAKEN, FROM THE FELSENEGG.
[Pg 387]
Less satisfactory was the course of events in Schwyz, Basel, and
Neuchâtel. In Schwyz a temporary separation into the two semi-
cantons of Inner and Outer Schwyz was caused by the refusal of the
former to grant equal rights to the latter, which had been formerly
subject or purchased land mainly. Basel, the city of millionaires and
manufactures, was able by her overwhelming importance to hold her
supremacy over the rural districts, and thus arose the division into
Baselstadt, and Baselland, which latter had Liestal as its chef lieu.
But all this after a civil strife of three years. Basel city joined the
Catholic League formed at Sarnen, in November, 1832, as a
counterblast
to
the
Siebner-Concordat.
Uri,
Inner-Schwyz,
Unterwalden, Valais, and Freiburg also joined this league. The
inhabitants of Neuchâtel had a double object, the reformation of their
constitution, and their separation, if possible, from Prussia, the double
régime being greatly disliked. An attempt was made on the castle, but
it failed, and the Federation re-established order, and the old status
quo. The royalist party in Neuchâtel now aimed at a severance from
Switzerland.
[Pg 388]
But the natural consequence of constitutional revision in the separate
cantons was the revision of the federal pact, with the view of
strengthening the bonds which joined the states. The draft of a new
constitution for Switzerland was presented at Lucerne in July, 1832,
by the moderate party, but it failed, as so many other attempts have
done which clashed with the selfishness of those cantons, that
thought more of the question of cantonal home-rule than of the weal
of the country as a whole. A far-seeing policy required that the central
government should be strengthened, that the Diet should be made
thoroughly capable of protecting Swiss interests, both in the country
itself and abroad. That the Diet was quite incapable of enforcing its
decrees for the general good was plainly shown by the condition of
things in Basel, alluded to above.
With all these drawbacks, however, the period from 1830-1848
witnessed a true regeneration—social, political, intellectual. Never
had education made such marvellous progress. It is to this period that
the country owes that revival of educational zeal and that
improvement in schools and methods of teaching, which are the great
glory of modern Switzerland. Canton vied with canton, and authority
with authority, in their noble enthusiasm for education. Zurich, Bern,
Thurgau, Solothurn, Vaud—all these founded excellent teachers'
seminaries. Primary schools were improved, and secondary schools
established in every canton, and in all the more important cities
gymnasiums were founded. At Zurich these time-honoured
institutions, the Chorherrenstift and the
[Pg 389]
Carolinum, were in 1832 converted into the present gymnasium and
university, and Bern made similar establishments in the following
year. Thus were being gradually realized the noble aspirations of the
"Helvetic" period, those of Stapfer particularly.
Unfortunate conflicts with foreign powers, however, not seldom arose.
Fugitives from other countries then as now made Switzerland their
abode, and many of them abused her hospitality, and entangled her
in dissensions with foreign governments, exactly as we find
happening at the present moment. Many of the political emigrés were
men of great note, but space will permit of our noticing only two,
Louis Philippe, and Louis Napoleon, afterwards Napoleon III. The
Prince de Chartres lived for some years in Graubünden, occupying
under the name of Chabaud, the position of mathematical master in
an educational establishment of repute at Reichenau. Singularly
enough he afterwards refused to the man who was to succeed him on
the throne of France, the privilege of shelter in Swiss lands, that is to
say, he objected very strongly. For in 1838 he suddenly requested
that the Swiss Diet should give up Louis Napoleon, on the plea that
he was an intriguer. This request was in reality a demand, and was
more than the Swiss could stand. Napoleon was in fact a Swiss
burgess, having become naturalized, and having passed through the
military school at Thun, and become a captain in the Swiss army. His
mother had for some time lived with her son in the castle of
Arenenberg (in the Canton of Thurgau), which she had purchased
soon after 1814. Thanks to the efforts
[Pg 390]
of Dr. Kern, representative of that state in the Diet, the Swiss
Government were able to disprove the charge made against Louis
Napoleon, and the Diet firmly refused to expel the prince. France
enraged threatened war to her "turbulent neighbour," and actually set
on foot an army of twenty-five thousand men. Thoroughly roused, the
Diet sent troops to the frontier, amidst general acclamations, Geneva
and Vaud being conspicuous in their endeavours to protect their
boundaries. These two cantons were specially thanked by the central
government. The prince, however, cleared away difficulties by quitting
the Swiss soil.[101]
The Zurich conflicts of 1839, called "Zurichputsch," from a local word
meaning push or scramble, claim a moment's attention. That canton
had perhaps more thoroughly than any other carried through a
reorganization of its legislature and administration. It had
establishment a most complete system of schools, graded from the
primary school up to the University, whose chairs were occupied by
men who made the city a real intellectual centre—by Oken, Hitzig,
Schweizer, Von Orelli, Bluntschli, and others. Things marched too
rapidly however. Dr. Scherr, a rationalist German emigré, was at the
head of an
[Pg 391]
excellent training-college for teachers, but refused to allow biblical
teaching to be given. Then the Government, anxious to make the city
of Zwingli a centre of freethought, appointed the famous Strauss,
author of the "Leben Jesu," to a vacancy on the university staff,
despite the warnings of the native professors. The country people
rose in wild frenzy, being urged on by the reactionary party, which
desired to regain the reins of government. So great was the feeling
against the appointment, that Strauss was pensioned off even before
he saw the city. Even yet the excitement was very great, and, led by
Pastor Hirzel, the rural inhabitants flocked into Zurich in great
numbers. The Council was obliged to resign, and for a considerable
period the reactionists had the power in their own hands. A few
persons, but not many, were killed during the disturbances. The
effects of this contre-coup in the most advanced city of the republic
were soon felt in other places, in Ticino, Lucerne, and Freiburg,
where conservative governments were returned, and codes altered
accordingly. Zurich and Lucerne left the Siebner-Concordat.
But the event which stands out more prominently than any other
during this period is the Sonderbund war of 1847. This conflict, which
threatened the very existence of the state, forms the prelude to the
European disturbances of the following year. This dispute of 1847 is
the old struggle between the centralists and the federalists, or rather
the progressivists and the reactionists, the dispute being intensified
by religious differences. The chief points in the conflict
[Pg 392]
must be briefly noted. In some of the cantons the Catholics, though in
a minority, had advantages over the Protestant population, and when,
in 1841, Aargau was revising its constitution, the latter demanded to
be put on an equal footing with their Catholic brethren. This was flatly
refused, and an embroilment took place in the canton, some of the
monasteries taking a leading part in fomenting the quarrel. The rising,
however, came to nought, and the Diet, on the motion of Keller,
suspended the monastic houses, on the plea that they were hotbeds
of intrigue. This step was clearly in opposition to the principles of the
Constitution of 1815, and for years caused great trouble. It is
impossible to give here minutely the story of the disputes: suffice it to
say, the Diet compromised matters by extending forgiveness to four
of the cloisters that had kept aloof from the rising (1843). But in 1844
Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Zug, Freiburg, and Valais, formed a secret
league—that of Sarnen had long since fallen through—to protect
Catholic interests, and appointed Jesuits to the highest offices in the
state. The entrance of the order at the Vorort created great
excitement, but the Diet abstained from intervening, fearing to make
matters worse. Two hapless expeditions of "Free Lances" now took
place, the liberals from Lucerne and other cantons attempting to carry
that city. The attempts utterly failed, and naturally so, seeing in how
disorganized a condition the partizans were. But in January, 1847,
the Protestants managed to get a majority at the Diet, and demanded
the dissolution of the Sonderbund, as it had got to be
[Pg 393]
called by that time. The foreign courts—Paris, Vienna, Berlin, and
others—sided with the Swiss Sonderbund, being anxious to retain the
status quo of 1815; France and Austria particularly sending money
and promises of further support. England alone favoured the
Protestants of Switzerland, and rendered them a great service.
Palmerston was all against foreign intervention, and when the Powers
issued a manifesto against the Swiss, he kept it back till Nov. 30th,
when all was quietly settled. Meanwhile the Sonderbund organized a
Council of War, and prepared for action. The Diet did all in its power
to reconcile the contending religionists, and the English ambassador
at
Bern
strongly
recommended
moderation
and
mutual
concessions.[102]
Seeing that in spite of all their efforts war was inevitable, the Diet
levied an army of ninety-eight thousand men, at the head of which
was placed General Dufour of Geneva. The Sonderbund raised
seventy-five thousand men, under General Salis-Soglio, a Protestant
from Bünden. Dufour was a soldier of the old Napoleonic school, and
a consummate tactician, and was revered by his fellow countrymen
for his patriotism, lofty character, and high culture. It was under his
management that the Swiss topographical maps bearing his name—
the first of their kind—were executed. His selection as general gave
great satisfaction. Thanks to Dufour's ability the campaign was short,
lasting only from the 4th to the 29th of November, 1847, and the
losses
[Pg 394]
were comparatively small. Honours were lavished on Dufour on all
sides, even they of the Sonderbund heartily acknowledging his great
services.
Heartburning and jealousy enough and to spare there had been
between the opposing religious parties. On the 29th of October, 1847,
the last occasion on which the Diet had attempted to reconcile
Catholic and Protestant, there had been the utmost dissension and
rancour. But such is the nature of Swiss patriotism that when, three
short months after, the countries around Switzerland were convulsed
with revolutions, and the Swiss lands were threatened with invasion,
the contending religionists forgot their domestic quarrels entirely. And
the glorious sight was seen of Catholic and Protestant standing
shoulder to shoulder, ready to vie with each other in meeting danger
and death in defence of their common and beloved fatherland. Not a
vestige of hostile party feeling was left. It has ever been thus in
Switzerland.
FOOTNOTES:
Wyp had studied at Göttingen, which was still under English rule, and had
there been impressed by the English national anthem, of which his own is
an imitation, the air being borrowed from "God save the Queen."
One of the leading collectors of subscriptions in aid of the Greeks was
Eynard, a wealthy Genevese, whose own contributions were most
munificent.
"La Suisse a montré qu'elle était prête à faire les plus grands sacrifices pour maintenir sa dignité et son honneur. Elle a su faire son devoir comme
nation independente; je saurai faire le mien, et rester fidèle à l'honneur....
le seul pays où j'avais trouvé en Europe appui et protection.... Je
n'oublierai jamais la noble conduite des cantons qui se sont prononcés si
courageusement en ma faveur... surtout Thurgovie" (Extracts from
Napoleon's letter of thanks to the Landammann of Thurgau, published in
Dr. Kern's "Souvenirs politiques").
See "Souvenirs Politiques de 1838-83," by Dr. Kern, Swiss Ambassador at
Paris, Bern, and Paris, 1887, pp. 51, 52.
[Pg 395]
XXXIII.
UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1848.
The year 1848, which crowned the noble aspirations of the
Regeneration period in Switzerland, marks a fresh starting-point in
the history of the country. Providence had dealt graciously with the
little republic. France, Prussia, and Austria were battling with the
"February Revolution," and were thus prevented from dealing out to
her the fate of unhappy Poland. Meanwhile eminent Swiss statesmen
were drafting the new Federal Constitution which was to bind the
various nationalities into one people, and the twenty-two cantons into
a well-riveted Bundestaat, a state which, thanks to its policy, its
prosperity, and its independent spirit, was soon to command the
esteem of even the most antagonistic Powers.
On the 12th of September, 1848, the new pact was proclaimed,
amidst cannonading, illumination, and general rejoicing. The old and
crippled Tagsatzung was abolished. The new constitution borrowed
some features from that of the United States, and, though greatly on
the lines of the Mediation Act, blended far
[Pg 396]
more happily the central and federal systems. Only the essential
points can here be noted.
The Central Government, whose raison d'être is the maintenance of
peace and order at home, and the upholding of the national honour
abroad, divides itself into three authorities or divisions, the Federal
Assembly, the Legislative body; the Federal Council, which is the
executive body; and the Federal Tribunal. The Federal Assembly
consists of two chambers, the National Council, and the Council of
the States; the former elected by the Swiss people at large, the latter
representing the different cantons. The Nationalrath is elected by
ballot for three years, one member to every twenty thousand souls. At
present (1889) there are 145 members. The cantonal governments
elect the members of the other chamber, two to each canton, one to a
semi-canton. The Federal Council (Bundesrath) is the Executive, and
consists of seven members. Its chairman or president holds the
highest dignity in the country, though his powers do not exceed those
of his fellow-ministers. The whole Cabinet is collectively responsible
for the conduct of all public business, and holds the summum
imperium. Thus the whole Federal Council, and not its president only,
occupies the position similar to that of the President of the United
States.[103] There are various departments of the Executive—Foreign Affairs,
[Pg 397]
Interior and Education, Justice and Police, Military, Finance and
Customs, Industry and Agriculture, Post and Railway. The Federal
Assembly sits twice a year, and elects both the Bundesrath, and
Bundesgericht (Tribunal). The Cabinet is subject to re-election every
three years, but the same ministers are commonly chosen again and
again. The Tribunal, or judiciary body, consists of nine members, who
are elected every six years, with headquarters at Lausanne (since
1884).
POLYTECHNIKUM AT ZURICH.
Bern, on account of its position between the German and French-
speaking districts, was chosen as the seat of the central government.
Zurich was to have been the home of the National University, but the
plan failed, and it is now the seat of the National Polytechnikum, or
technical university. Thus the two leading cities of the Confederation
keep up their old characteristics, as governmental and intellectual
respectively. Zurich's claims to intellectual distinction
[Pg 398]
are unquestionable. Its magnificent system of schools, &c., is
probably one of the most complete in Europe, if not in the world.
It would be tedious as it is unnec