The Story of Switzerland by Lina Hug and Richard Stead - HTML preview

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separation from them. Hatto of Basel, the most illustrious of his elder

bishops, often inveighed against the monarch's weaknesses, yet

Charlemagne not only bore the bishop's censures, but sent him on a

highly honourable mission to the Court of Constantinople, and chose

him as one of the witnesses to his last will. The emperor's friendship

with Pope Hadrian was quite remarkable, and, in spite of many

differences, was deep and lasting. On hearing the news of Hadrian's

death, Charlemagne burst into tears, and eulogized him in the most

flattering terms. The emperor's management of his royal estates was

in the highest degree prudent, skilful, energetic, and in every way

admirable. To his property he gave the

[Pg 64]

closest and most constant inspection, down to the very eggs

produced on his farms.

He gathered round him scholars, artists, and teachers, from Italy and

Greece, and a Court school was opened by Alcuin, the Anglo-Saxon

scholar—the English were then the most cultured of the German

peoples—and a body of English pupils followed him to France. Alcuin

became the friend, and in matters educational the counsellor, of

Charlemagne, by whom he was entrusted with the revision of the

Bible. Warnfried Paulus Diaconus, the famous Lombard writer, was

ordered to compile a collection of homilies from the Fathers. Copies

of both these remarkable manuscripts—Bible and Homilies—were

presented to the church of Zurich, and one, the beautiful Alcuin Bible,

is still extant and among its literary treasures. Thronging the learned

circle whose poetic centre was Charles himself, with his wife and

daughters, and two sisters, were Einhard the German, the confidant

and biographer of the emperor; Augilhard, the knightly poet; the Goth

Theobald, Bishop of Orleans, a scholar and man of the world; as well

as many another illustrious man. Charlemagne's two sisters were

nuns, and one of them, Gisela, was the great friend of Alcuin.[18]

Charlemagne was fond of visiting and occasionally teaching in his

Court school. He took great interest in the progress of his scholars,

praising the diligent and admonishing the indolent. The "Monk"

informs us that on one occasion finding the compositions of the

poorer boys praiseworthy, whilst those of the

[Pg 65]

young nobles were unsatisfactory, the emperor rose up in anger and

warned these latter youths that their high birth and fine manners

should not screen them from punishment if they did not get rid of their

laziness. Then, turning to the poor but meritorious youths, he highly

commended them, and exhorted them to be always thus diligent,

promising them rewards and preferment if they continued in their

good course. Charlemagne indeed gained imperishable glory by his

educational efforts, through which a foundation was laid for after

ages. Full of the conviction that religion and learning were essential to

happiness, he yearned to spread education amongst his people, and

made it the chief object of his later years. All parents ought, he says,

"to send their boys to school, and let them abide there till they are

well informed," a principle only imperfectly understood and acted

upon even in our own day. This ideal side of his complex activity lifts

him far above the other rulers of the Middle Ages. To our mind there

is but one who bears comparison with him for greatness of character

and lofty aims—Alfred the Great, of Wessex. Clerical colleges, and

secular schools attached to them, sprang up all over the country, and

the knowledge of the Scriptures, hitherto confined to the clergy, was

freely placed before the people.

The bishops were charged by the emperor to take care that the

priests were "well qualified as religious teachers." Theobald enjoins

his clergy to open schools and "teach the children with love, and to

accept no fees but what the parents choose to give."

[Pg 66]

Such was the emperor's educational zeal, that he ordains whipping

and deprivation of food even for men and women if they do not know

by heart the Confession of Faith and the Lord's Prayer, and are not

able to repeat them in Latin to the priests. Yet he makes allowances

for the dunces who are permitted to learn and repeat these exercises

in their own illiterate language. He admonishes the monks to learn

better grammar, and get rid of their uncouth modes of speech. He

strongly reprimands a choirboy whose wrong notes grate on his

delicate ear.

Amongst the bishops of Switzerland, Hatto of Basel, and Remedius of

Chur-Rhætia, were Charlemagne's chief supporters and lawgivers in

their own dioceses. The latter prelate was a great friend of Alcuin,

and held a brilliant Court with many vassals. The power of these

theocratic governors was very great. It may be mentioned, as an

example of this, that Remedius decreed that persons guilty of

sacrilege should be covered with hot tar and made to ride thus on a

donkey through the villages. The emperor's protection to church and

school foundations was exercised in many cases in Switzerland.

According to tradition, Sion was enriched with landed property; and to

St. Maurice was presented a fine onyx cup adorned with beautiful

Greek relievi, still amongst the treasures of that church. Zurich

attributes her oldest churches and schools to the emperor's bounty.

To him she is said to owe her minster, bearing his name and statue;

the Chorherrenstift, or College of Canons, and the Carolinum, a

clerical school for prebends or canons, which developed in 1832 into

the University and Gymnasium respectively, and finally the

Wasserkirche, a chapel by the riverside, on the spot where the

martyrs Felix and Regula once suffered.

[Pg 67]

GREAT MINSTER AND WASSERKIRCHE, ZURICH. (Appenzeller,

Zurich.)

[Pg 68]

Zurich was indeed, according to tradition, a favourite residence of the

great monarch, and his mansion is said to have been the Haus zum

Loch (hole or cavern), standing on a steep incline near the minster.

Connected with this is a charming legend which reflects the character

for justice he had gained amongst the people. This story may also

serve as an example, the only one our space will permit us to give, of

the abundant store of legend collected around the memory of

Charlemagne. There was a chapel on the riverside where he had

placed a bell for people to ring if they wished to appeal to justice. One

day as he was at dinner with his queen this bell began to ring. None

of the servants could inform him what was the matter. The bell rang a

second time, and then a third. On this the emperor rose from the

table, saying, "I am sure there is some poor man you don't wish me to

see." So saying, he walked down the hill to the chapel, where,

hanging to the bell rope, he found a large snake. The reptile crept

down, moved towards him, and wagged her tail to pay her respects.

Then going on in front she led Charlemagne to a tuft of nettles, and

his servants examining the spot found a large toad sitting on the eggs

in the serpent's nest. At once, grasping the meaning of this appeal,

he sat him down in his chair of justice and passed sentence that the

toad should be killed and quartered. The next day at dinner time the

snake

[Pg 69]

appeared in the passage, frightening the attendants grievously.

However, Charles quieted them, and said, "God is wonderful, and we

cannot know the meaning of this." The snake entered the hall,

climbed on the table, and, beckoning the emperor to remove the lid of

his golden goblet, dropped into it a beautiful jewel. Then, descending

from the table, she bowed to the royal couple, and disappeared.

Charles held this to be a good omen, and resolved never to part with

the jewel. The moral is obvious. Charlemagne was so just, and his

reputation for equity so widespread, that even the lower animals

appealed to him, and not in vain.

According to another version, the stone exerted attraction like a

loadstone, for where it was dropped the emperor could not leave the

place. But Archbishop Turpin had dropped it into the springs of

Aachen, and hence Charlemagne no more quitted that royal

residence.

It would be impossible in our space, even if it were interesting to the

general

reader,

to

enter

into

the

discussions

respecting

Charlemagne's foundations in and visits to Zurich. Two things,

however, come out clearly; first (thanks to the labours of the learned

historian, Professor Georg von Wyss), that tradition is not entirely

unworthy of trust, as there is documentary evidence still extant to

prove that Charlemagne reformed the College (Chorherrenstift);

second, that he kept up a close connection with the city, whether he

actually resided there or not.

No doubt this exaltation of Charlemagne's merits is an expression of

the attachment felt for his person,

[Pg 70]

and of the admiration for his marvellous educational efforts. His

grandson, Louis the German, founded the Abbey of our Lady, in 853,

on the site of an old convent erected to the memory of the patron

saints of Zurich. Louis erected this new abbey in order to give a more

brilliant church preferment to his daughter, Hildgard, Lady Principal of

a small convent at Wurzburg. This Princess Abbess received the sole

right of jurisdiction, and the convent rose rapidly, and with it extended

the city commonwealth. (We shall show in a later chapter how this

female government checked the growth of political power in that city,

and yet was the making of her.)

FOOTNOTES:

[15]

See Büdinger, "Von den Anfangen des Schulzwanges," Zurich, 1865, p.

10.

[16]

Professor Bächtold, "History of German Literature in Switzerland,"

Frauenfeld, 1887.

[17]

Professor Bächtold, "History of German Literature in Switzerland,"

Frauenfeld, 1887.

[18]

See Gustav Freytag's charming "Pictures of the Middle Ages."

[Pg 71]

VI.

THE KINGDOM OF BURGUNDY; THE DUCHY OF

SWABIA; AND THE GERMAN EMPIRE.

(843-1100.)

The death of the great emperor brought this realm into utter

confusion, the whole fabric of his wise and firm administration falling

to pieces. All the heterogeneous and often refractory elements which

his stern rule had kept in check burst their bounds and gained full

play during the reigns of his descendants, who grew weaker and

weaker, though with here and there an exception. The pretensions of

the Church, which Charlemagne's own protection and fostering care

had, so to speak, ushered in and strengthened; the struggles of

eminent families and dynastic houses for sovereignty in the absence

of one central and undisputed power; the increase of the immunities

and the growth of feudalism—all these were serious difficulties for the

coming rulers to cope with.

Louis the Pious, the only surviving son of Charlemagne,

[Pg 72]

and heir to his crown, was clearly quite unfit to cope with these

difficulties satisfactorily. The untimely distribution of the crown lands

insisted on by the imperious Judith, his second wife, in favour of her

own son, and the protracted struggles between the imperial princes,

steeped the realm in intestine wars, and in the end led to its

dissolution. It is impossible in this short sketch to follow to his tragical

end this unworthy son of a great father. The treaty of Verdun (843)

settled the bloody conflicts, but split the empire into three new

dominions; the East Frankish realm devolving on Louis the German:

the West Frankish kingdom falling to Charles the Bald; and the

middle district, including Italy and the strip of land between the two

first divisions just mentioned, and comprising Provence, Burgundy,

Lorraine, and the Netherlands. This last realm fell to Lothair.

The treaty of Verdun, to which the French and German States trace

their origin, also effected the most sweeping changes in Helvetia, and

altered greatly its political aspect. The country was rent into two

halves, East Switzerland, forming the Aare, with Chur-Rhætia, being

incorporated with the East Frankish kingdom; and West Helvetia and

the Valais with Lorraine or the middle kingdom. This naturally tended

to revive the national antagonism between the two Helvetias.

Freed from the iron hand which had crushed all attempts at

insurrection, the peoples began again their struggles for the recovery

of national independence and separate rule, and thence came the

restoration of the kingdom of Burgundy and the Duchy of

[Pg 73]

Alamannia, or Swabia.[19] Burgundy was the first to make sure of her national freedom. On the death of Lothair in 855 his kingdom fell to

pieces. Count Boso, of Vienna, his relative, founded the kingdom of

Burgundy without Helvetia, 879 (Provence or Arles— Arelatisches

Reich). After fruitless attempts by various Burgundian nobles to

establish their sovereignty within Helvetia, a renowned nobleman,

Rudolf, of the illustrious house of the Guelfs, set up as a pretender to

Swiss Burgundy, after the precedent of Count Boso. Rudolf

possessed vast estates in Swabia, on Lake Constance. He had

sworn allegiance to Charles III. (the "Stout"), who, weak as he was,

had, strange to say, once more united the Empire under his sceptre.

On his death, in 888, Rudolf the Guelf was crowned king at St.

Maurice, the venerable abbey-town in the Low-Valais, by a large

assembly of Burgundian bishops and nobles. Thus was established

the Helvetian kingdom of Upper or New Burgundy ( Burgundia

transjurans), which seems to have extended into Lorraine and Savoy.

In 933 both Burgundies were united.

Rudolf not only maintained his independence against the aggressive

spirit of intruding neighbours, but carried his victories into East

Helvetia, as far as Lake Zurich, and on his death in 912 his crown

passed without opposition to his son Rudolf II. This king had inherited

his father's great abilities and restless habits, which engaged him in

numerous wars.

[Pg 74]

His greatest martial achievement was the defeat of the Hungarians,

who were making their fearful inroads into Europe. In East Helvetia,

however, his advance was checked by Burkhard I., Duke of

Alamannia, who routed him at Winterthur, near Zurich, in 919. Led no

doubt by their mutual admiration for each other's prowess, and by

common political interests, they made peace and contracted a lasting

friendship. To seal the union between the two Helvetias, Burkhard

gave his lovely daughter, Bertha, in marriage to the Burgundian king,

and gave her as dowry the land between the Aare and the Reuss, the

district for which he had been contending. He even followed Rudolf

on his expedition to Italy, and fell in a skirmish whilst succouring his

son-in-law. But Rudolf was unable to maintain the authority of his

Italian crown, and exchanged his claim to Lombardy for the kingdom

of Lower Burgundy (Provence) in 933; this arrangement was,

however, much contested.

When not engaged in wars he assisted his queen in her good works.

The Burgundian kings as yet had no fixed residence, and moved from

place to place on their royal estates—to Lausanne, Payerne,

Yverdon, Solothurn, or Lake Thun. When making these rounds

Rudolf loved to do as the judges of Israel of old—to seat himself

under the shade of a fine oak and deal out justice to whoever might

come near and appeal to him. Yet the memory of this good king is

almost eclipsed by the glory of his wife, the famous "Spinning

Queen," and her wisdom and ministry amongst the poor.

Things went less pleasantly with the Alamanni.

[Pg 75]

Their efforts to restore separate or self-government—the passionate

yearning for national independence innate in the German tribes has

done much to bring about the division of the German Empire into its

many kingdoms, principalities, and duchies—met with far steadier

and more violent opposition than was the case with the Burgundians.

Under the pacific rule of Louis the German (843-876) the Alamanni

enjoyed the benefits of his peaceful tendencies, and we hear of no

attempts at insurrection. This sensible and practical monarch left to

East Helvetia the "remembrance of him in good works." Two things

brought him into close relations with this country—his founding of the

Abbey of our Lady at Zurich, where he installed his daughters

Hildegard and Bertha, as has been stated before; and his

benefactions to St. Gall, which he freed from the overlordship of

Constance. Indeed, the chronicler of this latter institution, Notker,

Monachus S. Gallensis, would seem to have been fascinated by his

personal charms and affable manners. Promoted to the position of an

independent abbey, owing allegiance to none but the king himself,

and enriched by continual grants of land on the part of pious donors,

St. Gall developed into a flourishing monastic commonwealth. The

peaceful colony of thrifty and studious monks—Benedictines they

were—who, like their Irish founder, combined manual labour with

learned contemplation, earnest study, and literary skill—form a

society quite unique in its way. The holy men "conjure into their cells

the departed spirits of classical antiquity,"[20] and

[Pg 76]

hold free intercourse with them; given to ecclesiastical learning, whilst

not neglectful of profane studies, these learned and high-bred

scholars constitute a truly mediæval university. Their life and

character is vividly set before us by their chroniclers.

Arnulf of Kaernthen (887-899), grandson of Louis, kept up a close

connection with St. Gall, through his chaplain, Solomon III., its abbot.

He governed the East Frankish kingdom with firmness and great

ability. The military glory of the Carolingians seemed to be restored

when he defeated the Normans brilliantly at Lœwen on the river Dyle.

Unfortunately this vigorous ruler died after a short reign, leaving his

crown to his only son, Louis "the Child," then only six years of age.

Through the reign of this sickly prince (900-911) the country was torn

by party struggles, and the invasions of the Hungarians increased the

distresses of the time. Contemporary writers seem hardly able to

express the horror they felt at the very sight of the Asiatics, who

appeared even loathsome to them. Arnulf was reproached with

having launched them upon Europe when he led them against his

enemies, the Mæhren; whilst Charlemagne's policy had been

altogether opposed to this, he having shut them in by raising gigantic

walls on the Danube against the Avars. These were followers of the

Huns of the fifth century, and resembled them by their savage

warfare and indescribable habits.

"Woe to the realm whose king is a child," writes Solomon III. to a

befriended bishop; "all are at variance, count and vassals, shire and

boundary neighbours; the towns rise in rebellion, the laws are

[Pg 77]

trampled under foot, and we are at the mercy of the savage hordes."

Such was the condition of the country at the opening of the tenth

century. Solomon, who wrote these lamentations, was himself a

powerful political ruler no less than a Church potentate. Next to

Archbishop Hatto, of Mayence, who governed during the minority of

Louis, Solomon was the most influential man at the German Court,

and wielded its destinies after Hatto's death. This high-born

Churchman, educated as a secular priest at St. Gall, became

secretary, chaplain, and chancellor, at the German Court, and

enjoyed the friendship of four successive monarchs. Promoted by

Arnulf to the Abbey of St. Gall in 890, and shortly afterwards to the

see of Constance, he thus combined the dignities of the two rival

institutions. Subtle, versatile, and indefatigable, this high ecclesiastic

was the most consummate courtier and man of the world. Handsome

and magnificent, he captivated his hearers in the council by the

clearness of his argument and his ready wit; and melted the people to

tears by his eloquence in the pulpit. His leadership at St. Gall

promoted the magnificence of the abbey, and formed it into a

prominent literary and political centre. It was, however, robbed of its

ascetic character, Solomon being wanting in genuine piety, for one

thing.

The absolute rule of this powerful prelate greatly checked the national

risings of the Swabian leaders, for he strenuously maintained the

oneness of Church and State. Conrad I. (911-919), the last of the

East Frankish kings, gave all his energies to the one aim of

strengthening and solidifying his rule

[Pg 78]

by the suppression or abolition of the dukedoms, which he saw

undermined the power of the sovereign. Relying on the support of the

clergy, he was strongly influenced by Solomon's insinuations when

he put forth his bloody measures against the Swabian pretenders.

During the reign of Louis the Child the state of anarchy had begotten

numerous national risings, which led to the establishment of the

Bavarian, Frankish, and Saxon duchies. At its very close a similar

attempt was ventured upon in Alamannia. Burkhard, Marquis of Chur-

Rhætia, afterwards Graubünden, one of the most eminent of the

Swabian grandees, put forward claim