placed in a barge, his bow and arrow being put at his back. As they
rowed towards Axenstein, suddenly their arose a fearful storm, and
the crew fearing they would be lost, suggested that Tell, an expert
boatman, should save them. Gessler had him unbound, and he
steered towards Axenberg, where there was a natural landing-stage
formed by a flat rock— Tellenplatte. Seizing his bow and arrows he
flung the boat against the rock, and leapt ashore, leaving its
occupants to their fate. Woe betide him, however, should the
governor escape death on the lake! Tell hurried on to Schwyz, and
thence to the "hollow way" near Kusnach, through which Gessler
must come if he returned to his castle. Hiding in the thicket lining the
road, Tell waited, and presently seeing the tyrant riding past, took
aim, and shot him through the heart. Gessler's last words were, "This
is Tell's shaft."
Thus runs the old story. The question naturally arises, What of all this
is truth, and what fiction? just as it will in the case of Winkelried and
others. The question is easier to ask than to answer, at least in the
very limited space at our disposal. The truth
[Pg 124]
is, this question has been for half a century the subject of controversy
always lively, often passionate and violent. Some authorities are for
making a clean sweep of all traditional annals, and all semi-mythical
national heroes. Others, no less able and conscientious, and no less
learned, have re-admitted tradition to investigation, and have made it
their special care to pick out the historical grain from the chaff of
fiction. It is impossible within the limits of our space to discuss the
merits of the numerous chronicles, and popular songs and plays, in
which the traditions of the Tell period are preserved. Suffice it to say,
that the "White Book of Sarnen" (1470), naïve and artless as is its
tone, is the most trustworthy; that of the "Swiss Herodotus," the
patriotic Tschudi (1570), the most fascinating and most skilfully
penned. The work of the latter is mainly a series of gleanings from the
"White Book," together with additional pictures from Tschudi's own
pencil. He combined and supplied dates and minor details, and cast
the whole in a mould apparently so historical that it became an
authority for Joh von Müller, the great Swiss historian of the
eighteenth century. And the immortal Schiller deeply stirred by the
grand epic, produced his magnificent drama, "William Tell."
It hardly needs to be said in these days that whilst no one thinks of
taking these beautiful old-world stories literally, yet few of us would
care to toss them contemptuously and entirely on one side. Truly they
have a meaning, if not exactly that which was once accepted. In the
present instance they represent and
[Pg 125]
illustrate a long epoch during which a high-spirited people were
engaged in establishing a confederation, and maintaining it against a
powerful enemy—one long effort to secure emancipation from
Habsburg tyranny—an epoch which opened with the acquisition of a
charter of liberties for Uri in 1231, and closed with the brilliant victory
of Morgarten in 1315.
It remains now to show briefly what may be considered the authentic
history of the period, that is, the history as found in authentic
documents.
And first, it is clearly absurd to suppose that the three Forest Cantons
sprang suddenly into existence as democracies. Feudalism had
spread its net over the Waldstätten as elsewhere in Switzerland and
Europe generally. But the inborn love of freedom amongst the
"freemen" of the three cantons was intensified by two things, the
secluded Alpine life and the tyranny and aggressiveness of the
Habsburgs. The inhabitants of the Forest were Alamanni, who, in the
seventh century, had moved into the higher Alpine regions, the
immigration into those regions being greatly promoted by a decree of
Charlemagne, that whoever should cultivate land there with his own
hands should be the owner thereof. But besides these farmer
freemen, land was taken up by religious-houses, and by the secular
grandees, who claimed the soil cultivated by their serfs, bondsmen,
and dependants of all kinds. By the bounty of Louis the German, the
"Gotteshausleute" (God's-house-people), had become of great
importance in Uri; in 853 that monarch had bestowed his royal lands
in Uri, with everything appertaining thereto, on the Abbey of our
[Pg 126]
Lady at Zurich, an abbey founded for his daughters. Beneath the mild
rule of these royal ladies the inhabitants had acquired great
independence, and had shared with their mistress the high privilege
of the "Reichsfreiheit," which saved their lands from being mortgaged,
or from falling under the power of vassal princes. Besides the Lady
Abbess, there were other proprietors in Uri—the Maison Dieu of
Wettingen, the barons of Rapperswyl, and other high-born or noble
families, and, lastly, a body of "freemen."
This scattered and various society was knit into one close boundary-
association by the possession of the "Almend," a stretch of land
common to all, according to the old German custom—to free and
unfree, rich and poor, noble and serf, who were brought together in
council for deliberation. These assemblies gave rise to the political
gatherings of the "Landsgemeinde."
Now by a decree of the Emperor Frederick II., Uri was severed from
the jurisdiction of Zurich Abbey in 1218, and placed under the control
of Habsburg, who had succeeded to the governorship of Zurichgau, a
district which then included the three Forest states. "Reichsfreiheit"
was lost, and the inhabitants, fearing their state would fall into the
hands of the Habsburgs, applied for protection from Henry, son of
Frederick II., then at variance with the Habsburg family. He complied
with their request, and on the 26th of May, 1231, granted them a
charter of liberties, restored "Reichsfreiheit," and received them into
the pale of the empire. Uri was now under the direct control of the
monarch, and the local authority was vested
[Pg 127]
in an Ammann chosen from the native families. An imperial
representative appeared twice a year in the country to hold his half-
yearly sessions, and to collect the imperial taxes. When Rudolf of
Habsburg rose to the imperial throne, he recognized fully the validity
of the Uri charter. However a charter was but little check on the
monarchical tyranny, and we find the country exasperated by Rudolf's
grinding taxation.
The inhabitants of Schwyz were no less bold, resolute, and energetic,
than those of Uri, and no less averse to falling into the hands of the
Habsburgs. Here the freemen predominated, and owned the largest
portion of the country. There is not space to tell of their long quarrel
with the monks of Einsiedeln respecting some forest lands. Suffice it
to say that, after a stout stand for their rights, they were ordered to
share the corpus delicti, the forest, with their opponents. During the
quarrels between Rome and the Hohenstaufen, Schwyz staunchly
upheld the cause of Frederick II., but the wavering policy of Rudolf of
the junior line, Habsburg-Laufenburg, was a strong temptation to
separate themselves from him (1239). They sent letters, messengers,
and most likely auxiliaries, to Frederick, when he was besieging
Faënza with the view of recovering the Lombard cities, and begged
for the protection of the empire. Frederick expressed his gratification
that the freemen of Schwyz should voluntarily place themselves
under his protection, and sent them a charter similar to that of Uri
(1240)—to "his faithful men"—by which they obtained the
"Reichsfreiheit," and an assurance that they should not be severed
from the empire.
[Pg 128]
A very few years later we hear of the first federal union of which we
have any certain knowledge. The great quarrel between the emperor
and the Pope, and the flight of the latter to Lyons, had set Europe on
fire. Schwyz took up arms to defend the founder of its liberties, and
entered into an alliance with Uri and Unterwalden—and even
Lucerne—to throw off the yoke of the younger Habsburg line. War
raged fiercely in the valleys of the Forest and by Lake Lucerne, till the
Popish party was brought to bay, and the overseer driven from the
Habsburg castle. We do not know the result of this insurrection; it
closed no doubt with the death of Rudolf and Frederick in 1249-50.
It is to this period of the insurrection doubtless that the stories of Tell,
the oath on the Rütli, &c., apply most clearly. They are reminiscences
probably of some forgotten episodes of the campaigns. Had the
annalists connected the stories with these times instead of with the
reign of Albrecht, their validity could hardly have been contested.
When Rudolf III. of Habsburg-Austria became emperor, and had
bought from the younger branch of his house the estates and titles in
the Waldstätten, he drew Schwyz most closely to his family. He
refused to confirm Frederick's charter on the plea that that monarch
had been excommunicated. The magistrates were officers of his own;
he gathered the taxes in his own name, and, in 1278, assigned them
as dowry to the English bride of his favourite son, Hartmann. Schwyz
did not feel comfortable under all this, and stood on its guard.
[Pg 129]
Unterwalden[26], the lowland district of the Forest, was politically quite behind the times. It was exceedingly fertile, and was much in request,
and in the thirteenth century was parcelled out amongst religious-
houses, great nobles, and lesser freemen. The Habsburgs being not
only the greatest proprietors, but also stewards of the religious-
houses, naturally held sovereign sway. It was only by the aid of
friendly neighbours indeed that Unterwalden could hold its own
against such powerful masters, and of all its neighbours the men of
Schwyz were not only the best organized, politically, but the most
energetic and far-seeing. That the Schwyzers took the lead in the
emancipation of the district is pretty clear from the name that was
given to the newly-formed state by surrounding lands, and by the
Austrians after the battle of Morgarten.
The death of Rudolf in 1291 was good news to the men of the Forest,
and all their pent-up hopes of the recovery of their ancient rights once
more burst forth. Yet dreading new dangers from new governors, they
took measures of precaution. Within a fortnight of Rudolf's death the
three districts of Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden had entered into a
perpetual league or defensive alliance ( Ewiger Bund), a renewal no
doubt of a previous pact, probably that of 1246. They may have met
on the Rütli to swear the solemn oath which was to bind them into a
confederation, à perpetuité.
[Pg 130]
The various acts of agreement were drawn up in Latin, and the
document—the Magna Charta of the Eidgenossenschaft—treasured
up at Schwyz, is held in veneration by the whole Swiss nation. It
bears an essentially conservative character, and witnesses to the
thought and consideration given to the matter, no less than to the
strong sense of equity and clear judgment of the contracting parties.
Amongst other things it enjoins that every one shall obey and serve
his master according to his standing; that no judge shall be appointed
who has bought his office with gold, nor unless he be a native; that if
quarrels shall arise between the Eidgenossen ( inter aliquos
conspiratos), the more sensible shall settle the differences, and if the
one party does not submit, the opposition shall decide in the matter.
To the document were affixed the seals of the three countries as a
guarantee of its authenticity.
FOOTNOTES:
Unterwalden is parted into two unequal halves by a mountain range
running from the Titlis to the Buochser Horn, with the wood of Kerns in its
centre. The districts on both sides have thence taken the names of Ob and
Nidwalden, above and below the wood.
[Pg 131]
XI.
THE BATTLE OF MORGARTEN.
(1315.)
The primary object of the Perpetual League was to secure for the
three Waldstätten that safety which the empire, with its fluctuating
fortunes and condition, failed to ensure. Rich and mighty cities in
Germany and Italy had joined in alliance with similar intent, but whilst
these alliances had come to nought, the simple peasants of the
Forest, hardened by continual struggles, had developed into a power
before which even the Habsburgs were of no avail; for, gifted with
striking political understanding and far-sightedness, these born
diplomatists knew how to turn the tide of events to their own
advantage.
As an additional security, they entered within a few weeks into an
alliance with Zurich and the Anti-Habsburg coalition that had sprung
up in East Switzerland when Adolf of Nassau was chosen successor
to King Rudolf in preference to his son Albert, whose absolutism was
dreaded by all. The
[Pg 132]
Zurich forces attacked Winterthur, a Habsburg town, but owing to the
absence of reinforcements sustained a severe defeat (1292). Taking
advantage of their heavy losses, Duke Albert laid siege to the
imperial city of Zurich. Great was his dismay, however, when from his
camp he saw a formidable force drawn up in battle array on the
Lindenhof, an eminence within the city. The armour-bearers, their
helmets, shields, and lances glittering in the sun, appeared to the foe
to indicate an overwhelming force, and Albert made his peace with
the remarkable city. This was gladly accepted, as well it might be, for
it is said that the dazzling array seen by Albert consisted of the
Amazons of the place, to wit, the women of the town, who had lit on
this stratagem to save their city.
King Adolf guaranteed the "liberties" of Uri and Schwyz in 1297; but
on his death in the following year, in battle against his rival, Albert of
Habsburg, these were again at stake—for charters had to be
submitted to the sovereign's pleasure at every new accession—and
in fact were never acknowledged by the succeeding king. As the
object of the Habsburgs was to join the Waldstätten to their Austrian
possessions, their policy was naturally to oppose the freedom of the
district. It was a fact highly favourable to Swiss interests that the
German monarchy was elective; for the princes and prince-electors,
with their personal and selfish aims, shut out the mighty Habsburg
dynasty, whenever candidates presented themselves whom they
considered more likely to favour their views. On such grounds Adolf
[Pg 133]
of Nassau was elected, as was also Henry of Lützelburg later on.
Albrecht was not the cruel, taciturn, tyrant Swiss chroniclers and
historians have pictured him. They have, in fact, confounded him with
previous rulers, chiefly of the junior Habsburg line. Albrecht was bent
on the aggrandizement of his house, but, if anything, less selfishly so
than his father Rudolf III. He was, however, no friend of Swiss
liberties, and, had he lived longer, would doubtless have checked any
efforts on the part of the Swiss to gain greater freedom. But he was
cut off in the very prime of life, by his nephew and ward, John of
Swabia, who believed himself defrauded of his heritage. With John
were other young Swiss nobles—Von Eschenbach, Von Balm, Von
Wart, &c.; and by these Albrecht was stabbed, within sight of his
ancestral manor, Habsburg, as he was on a journey to meet his
queen, Elizabeth. He sank to the ground, and expired in the lap of a
poor woman (1308). The assassins got clear away, excepting Wart. A
terrible vengeance was taken on him, and on the friends and
connections of the fugitives, however innocent. A thousand victims
perished, by order of the bloody Elizabeth. On the spot where her
husband had fallen the queen built the Monastery of Königsfelden
(King's Field), a place which afterwards attained great fame and
splendour. The stained windows of the church still in existence, are
masterpieces of Swiss work, showing all the exquisite finish of the
fourteenth century, and testifying to the former magnificence of the
abbey.
[Pg 134]
Once again the Habsburgs were passed over, and Henry VII. became
King of Germany. To him Unterwalden owes its charter, which placed
the three small states on an equal footing politically. However, he
died in Italy when going to receive the imperial crown—it is thought
by poison. On his decease the opposing parties elected two
sovereigns, Louis of Bavaria, and Frederick the Handsome, of
Austria, son of Albrecht. During a short interregnum, which occurred
after the death of Henry VII., Schwyz began hostilities against the
Abbey of Einsiedeln, of which the Habsburgs were stewards. This
greatly vexed Frederick, and his annoyance was increased by finding
that the Forest generally sided with his rival. Goaded beyond bearing,
Frederick determined to deal a crushing blow against the rebellious
Forest states, and, late in the autumn of 1315, hostile operations
commenced. We are now in our story on the eve of the famous battle
of Morgarten, which is justly regarded by the Swiss as one of the
noblest of the many noble episodes in their stirring history. There is
not a civilized nation in the world to which the name of Morgarten is
not familiar.
Both parties prepared for war. The Wald Cantons fortified such parts
of their district as offered no sufficient security, and placed troops at
the entrance to the valley. Duke Leopold, a younger brother of the
king, a great champion, and eager for combat, undertook the
command of the campaign, with much dash and self-reliance. He
gathered a considerable army together on the shortest notice, the
Aargau
[Pg 135]
towns, with Lucerne and Winterthur, and even Zurich, sending troops,
whilst the nobility espoused his cause, and rallied to his standard at
Zug. In order to divide the forces of the enemy the leader ordered a
section of the army, under Count Otto of Strassberg, to break into
Unterwalden by the Brünig Pass. Leopold himself commanded the
main force, and directed his principal charge against Schwyz, which
was particularly obnoxious to him. Of the two roads leading from Zug
to Schwyz, he chose—probably from ignorance—the one which was
the more difficult, and strategically the less promising. On the 15th of
November, the day before the feast of St. Othmar, he brought his
cavalry to Ægeri, and thence moved in a heedless fashion along the
eastern bank of that lake, taking no care either to watch the enemy or
to reconnoitre his ground. Amongst his baggage was a cartload of
ropes, with which he intended to fasten together the cattle he
expected to seize. Hurried on by the nobles, and himself eager for the
fray, he neglected even the most elementary measures of precaution,
which, indeed, he deemed quite unnecessary when marching against
mere peasants. His cortège resembled a hunting party rather than an
army expecting serious warfare. Reaching the hamlet of Haselmatt,
the troops began slowly to ascend the steep and frozen slopes of
Morgarten, in the direction of Schornen. Soon they were hemmed in
by lake and mountain, when, without a moment's warning, there
came pouring down upon the dense masses of horsemen huge
stones, pieces of rock, and trunks of trees.
[Pg 136]
Dire confusion followed at once. This unexpected avalanche had
been hurled down upon them by a handful of men posted on the
mountain ridge, and well informed respecting the movement of the
Austrians. Presently the main body of the men from Schwyz and Uri
appeared behind Schornen, and like a whirlwind rushed down the hill
on the terrified and bewildered foe, who were caught in the narrow
pass of Morgarten, as in a net. It was quite impossible to ward off
such an attack as that. Then the Eidgenossen began to mow down
the Austrians with their terrible weapon the halberd, an invention of
their own.
A confused scramble and a terrified mêlée ensued, in which it was at
once seen that the foe must succumb, utterly disorganized as they
were, and well-nigh helpless through terror. Many in sheer despair
rushed into the lake. Soon lay scattered over the wintry field the
"flower of knighthood," amongst them the counts of Kyburg and
Toggenburg, and other Swiss nobles. Leopold himself had a narrow
escape, and hurried back to Winterthur, "looking," says Friar John of
that place, an eye-witness, "like death, and quite distracted." Otto of Strassberg, hearing of the disaster, retreated with such rapidity that
he died overcome by the physical efforts he had made. "Throughout
the country the sounds of joy and glory were changed into wails of
lamentation and woe." Such was the ever-memorable battle of
Morgarten. As to the number of men who fell on that day, the
accounts vary hopelessly, and we do not venture to give any
[Pg 137]
figures. The infantry probably fled, and had no share in the
encounter.
Such was the first proof the young Confederation gave of their mettle
and skill in warfare. The battle has been called the Swiss
Thermopylæ, but it was more fortunate in its results than that of the
Greeks. It confirmed the national spirit of resistance to the house of
Habsburg, and commenced a whole series of brilliant victories, which
for two centuries increased the glory, as they improved the military
skill of the Swiss nation. In humbleness and in a spirit of true
devotion, the victors fell to thanking God on the battlefield for their
rescue, and they instituted a day of thanksgiving to be observed as
year after y