The psychology of Nations by G.E. Partridge - HTML preview

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CHAPTER II

INTERNATIONALISM AND THE SCHOOL

If we take a serious and an optimistic view of education as a social

institution, and think of it at all as standing in functional

relationships with the social life as a whole, we must conclude that

internationalism as a new movement and idea, and the school as an

institution in which changes in the social order are reflected (but in

which also changes in the social order are created) are closely

related. Adjustment is a relatively easy matter; it is the conception

of the school as a creative factor that challenges our best efforts.

Let us think of the school as a workshop in which there must be

created the forces by which we must make a desired and an otherwise

unrealizable future come to pass and we have a new and inspiring view

of education. The school perhaps must do even more than educate the

forces; it must help even to create the vision itself by which the

future is to be directed. _The school becomes, so to speak, the

working hypothesis of civilisation._ In it the ideas and the desires

by which nations live must be made to take shape.

The idea of internationalism implies certain changes in the external

relations of nations which, whatever the form internationalism will

take on its political side, are not difficult to perceive. These in

turn imply internal changes. We might readily outline or psychologically analyze what could be called the mood of internationalism, in order to see its relations to education. It

contains a number of factors, more or less related to one another.

_First_, there is a recognition of a world of growing, living

historical entities which we call nations; and this recognition

implies new understanding and an enrichment of knowledge. _Second_,

there is a change in the consciousness of nations, slow but visible,

by which they become more willing to investigate freely and fairly

their own place in history, understand their own desires, functions,

virtues, faults, the value of their culture and civilization. Without

such an attitude all talk of internationalism in any real sense is

idle. _Third_, there is a new and different practical interest. We

begin to conceive our world as a world of complex practical relations,

and this idea of a practical world is likely to become one of the

leading thoughts of the future. _Fourth_, by extending, so to speak,

this idea of a world of practical relations, we idealize a world in

which there is a common interest in great international achievements,--a world devoted more than it is now to coördinated

efforts to accelerate progress, more conscious of the needs of a

distant future, perhaps, or even of an ideal of universal efficiency

as a means of realizing some one world purpose or many good purposes.

This is not now, as it once might have been called, merely an Utopian

dream. In some slight degree it is already being accomplished.

_Fifth_, social and moral feelings are widened in scope, and must be

still further extended; it is in the form of the _democratic spirit_,

that these feelings must find expression. And this democratic spirit

is on one side practical, but it is also something more than the

emergence of the common mind; it is the _aristocratic idea carried out

universally_ that we look forward to, an enthusiasm for all true

values, a mood and activity in which all people participate. _Sixth_,

there is a necessary attitude toward world organization or world

government, according to which we think of world government or world

organization as a means of accomplishing results which fulfill

fundamental desires and purposes of the peoples of the earth; as a

growing structure, something to be added to and improved. _Seventh_,

if so general a tendency and demand may be made clear, there is a

philosophical mood, which must be made a part of the ideal and the

attitude of the future, _if that future is to realize even the

practical hopes of the world_. This philosophical attitude is first of

all a way of living comprehensively and more universally, in the world

both of facts and of ideas. It means a less provincial and a more

widely enriched life for all. It means also an ability to choose the

good not according to preconceptions and narrow principles, but

according to the wisdom contained in the experience and the selective

powers of mankind as a whole. This means a life in which men live, so

to speak, more collectively.

These factors of the idea of internationalism, whatever we may think

of the possibility of their realization, make in their totality an

educational problem: they are specifications, so to speak, laid before

us for the making of a new educational product. If we say that it is

useless to think of such things, we are saying merely that it is

useless to hope to be a factor in conscious evolution, or that the

world as a whole has no purpose and no goal. If we believe education

has any function in the larger work of the world, educational

philosophy must take these things into account, see how they may be

created or sustained, and how they can be made to work together to

help bring to pass the kind of future men are talking so much about.

_I. The Essential World Idea_

Our present situation has plainly made it necessary for us to

understand the world in which we live far better than we have in the

past, and to be willing to make more dispassionate judgments about it.

For better or for worse we have entered upon a new stage of history,

in which heavy responsibilities fall upon all peoples, and upon none

more than upon ourselves. Enlightenment beyond all our present

understanding is a necessity. We have been peculiarly isolated and

separated from the world's affairs; now we are peculiarly involved. We

have, however, one great and unusual advantage. In our case it is

ignorance rather than prejudice that we must overcome in ourselves.

The world feels this and recognizes the unusual place this gives us.

We have no thousand years of continuous strife to distort our

historical perspective. We out to be able to be just interpreters of

the history of the world. Our universities ought to be the greatest

centers of historical learning, and as a people we should feel

ourselves called upon above all other people to know the world.

As a nation we pass out of a local into a broader political field. We

become citizens of a world, but this world is no mere habitation of

individuals who are to be affiliated with one another.

It is a world

of _national wills_. Internationalism is first of all a recognition of

the legitimate desires of nations. But such a recognition of the

legitimate desires of nations cannot be effected merely by spreading

abroad good will. A widespread education in the meaning of history

must first be made the foundation of international justice in the

minds of the people. Current history and future events seen in the

light of all history, of history as the science and story of all human

experience, become our chief intellectual interest to-day. The war has

taught us how little the people in the world know bout the world as a

whole. All history thus far has been _local_ history.

Everywhere there

tends to be the prejudice in some degree that comes from the private

need of using history for political ends. Unless we can now put

history, real history, at the head of our sciences, the war will have

failed of a great result, whatever in particular, in a political way,

it may have accomplished.

With such an understanding of what is to be meant by history we say,

if that seems an adequate way of expressing it, that the teaching of

history becomes one of the fundamental problems of the educational

work of the day. It might be better to say that living in the

historical spirit is demanded as a way of salvation of the world.

However, adding geography and economics to history we have a content

that must somehow be taught in the schools. History, as the most

concrete science of the actual world in which we live, now seems to

have become a new center for the curriculum. Hitherto we have tended

to regard history too lightly, as the _story_ of the world; now there

must be a deeper view of it. We must have an understanding of the

motives and the desires of peoples; history must not only be broader

and more comprehensive but more penetrating and psychological. It is

the purposes of nations, working themselves out in their history, that

we must understand. There must no longer be great unknown places on

the earth. Germany, Russia, Japan must not continue to be mysteries.

National psychology must be made a part of historical interpretation.

This new history must be the means of showing us our world in a more

total view than we have thus far had of it, so that we may better

discern the continuity, if there be one, behind the detached movements

and multiplicity of facts presented by the world's story; for perhaps,

in this way, we should better understand what the future is to

produce, and what, more important still, it ought to be made to

produce.

The need first of all is for a continuation of the interest inspired

by the war--an interest showing itself in the form of an universal

interest in all history, and an intensive investigation of history. We

need now, indeed, the most comprehensive study of the world that has

ever been conceived or dreamed of by man. This is the duty of the

historians. This new history must show us what nations are at heart,

what they desire, what they can do. Such an understanding of nations

is, we say, the real beginning of internationalism. It is a necessary

foundation for it, if internationalism is to be anything more than a

merely practical, prudential or political arrangement among nations.

In the school-room eventually, and indeed beginning now, there is

demanded a readjustment of interest by which history takes a new and

more central place. We must endeavor to give the new generation a

_world-idea_. And upon the nature and clearness of this world-idea

much, in the future, will depend.

Such a demand upon the school opens once more, of course, all the old

problems of the teaching of history. All the dreary questions of the

precise order in which history should be taught--whether backwards or

forwards, local first or the reverse, may be brought up if one chooses

to do so. But after all, these questions are not very fruitful. What

we need most is the historical _spirit_. We want a dramatic

presentation of the world's whole story, by which the true meaning of

history is conveyed. The methods of art must be added to the methods

of fact. A persuasive use of the materials of history must be made.

This means a change finally, perhaps, not only in the methods of

teaching history, but in the whole mood and spirit of the school.

Methods are likely to adapt themselves to necessity.

Certainly the

slow methods of presenting facts, sometimes if not generally employed,

the tedious lingering upon details, seems wholly out of place. We need

a broader outlook in history. Even the young child must have a more

comprehensive world-idea, some sense of the whole of the great world

in which he lives. This is one of the instances, it may be, in which

we must set about breaking up any recapitulatory order, natural to the

child, which suggests an advance from the local to the more general

and wider knowledge. The universal interests of the day so strongly

affect the child, the social consciousness so dominates the individual

consciousness that even the natural law of development must to some

extent yield if necessary. This social consciousness, the interests

and purposes expressed in the child's social environment, present the

experience of the adult world dramatically and intensively, exerting

as we might say, a creative power upon the mind. That indeed is

precisely what the higher teaching, whether in the form of art, or in

the form of vivid experience, conveyed though the practical life does

everywhere in education.

We do not yet know what history, taught thus dramatically and

intimately, under the stimulus of the greatest events of all time

might do for the mind of the child or for all the future of the world.

We have never had the most favorable conditions for the teaching of

universal history. We have been obliged to create interest. History

has been taught externally, from the standpoint of a far-away

observer. Now history may and must be taught more as it is lived. The

world has become more real to every one; this sense of reality of a

world of historical entities must be made to persist. We must not go

back to our unreal and intellectualized history. The spirit of the

nations must be made to live again, so to speak, in the minds of the

coming generation. What each nation stands for, its ethos, its

personality, must be made clear. Powers says that all governments and

all nations are _sincere_. It is the soul of nations, then, their own

realization of themselves that must be made the real object of

history. We must go back of the individual and the event at least, to

the desires that have made history what it is; we must see why events

have taken place, and while sacrificing nothing of our own principles

and standards, understand and feel what the principles and the nature

of these widely differing nations really are. For the actual teaching

of history, it is likely that the story, carried to its highest point

of art, will still be the chief method. But pictorial art must be

heavily drawn upon, and all the resources of symbolic art, as we pass

from the lower to the higher stages in education, or, we had perhaps

better say, as we try more and more to convey moods and the spirit of

nations and epochs and to appeal to the deep motives in the

subconscious life of the individual. Plainly there is much work to do

in the investigation and the teaching of history for every grade and

department of the educational system, from the government and the

higher universities to the teacher of the young child.

It is an age of

history, a day in which all sciences have as one of their tasks to aid

in the understanding of history. In the broader world and the

universal life which the idea and the reality of internationalism has

opened up to us, all must live in some way, if only in imagination.

History is a part of the necessary equipment for that life.

_II. The Reëducation of National Desires_

The second factor in internationalism is also, on its educational

side, related to a knowledge of history. This is the attitude which

peoples must take toward their own purposes and ambitions. We must

begin to speak of the education of national consciousness. This

process of the education of nations must be such as will teach peoples

to surrender certain visions most of them have in regard to a future

which cannot now be realized. The content of the desires of nations

must now be changed. The future of many peoples will depend upon the

extent to which they can remain progressive and enthusiastic without

the stimulus of imperialistic ambitions.

Considering our own situation in America, it seems plain that we have

confronting us a serious educational problem, that of imparting to the

rising generation and of acquiring for ourselves, a better

understanding of the meaning and place of our country in the world,

and a more earnest interest in its functions and its welfare. This

requires something more than a teaching of American history. It is

time for us to take stock of all our material and all our spiritual

possessions. We need perhaps to discover what our ideals really are

and what the ideas and the forces are that have made our history what

it has been; and what in the future we are likely to do and to be, and

ought to do and be. We must question deeply at this time our own soul;

we must look to our institutions, our literature and our art for an

understanding of ourselves.

This more profound knowledge of ourselves must be made the basis of

our especial educational philosophy. Here is the most urgent of all

our educational problems. Education is, or should be, a process by

which national character is constantly being molded. In the school the

nation must learn much that cannot be read in books. It must learn to

believe things that cannot be proved, or perhaps even definitely

formulated as truth. The soul of the nation must be subjected, in a

word, to some kind of _spiritual leadership_.

Constructive

statesmanship must be felt as an influence in the school. The problem

is really nothing less than that of educating and forming national

character. Now that we stand less alone as a nation our character

cannot safely be left so much to chance and to the effects of our

favorable environment and our original stock of virtues.

We cannot

continue to be so naïve and so unconscious of our country as we have

been. What we are and what we must do as a people, we say, ought to be

better understood. We should bring these ideals of ours out of the

mists of partisan thinking and give them more definite shape, and at

the same time translate them into the language of sincere living.

National honor ought to be made a clearer idea. We ought at least to

be sure it contains the idea of honesty. Such prejudices as our

history has encouraged in us must be recognized, and computed in our

personal equation. These prejudices we certainly harbor-

-in regard to

our own particular type of government, our culture and education, our

freedom and our democracy and our security. Every nation appears to

have its own idols, its concealments and its self-deceptions, its

belief in its own supremacy and divine mission, and its innocent

faith in its own mores. To overcome such narrowness and perversion

without introducing worse faults is a difficult problem of education.

In either direction there appear to be real dangers. A nation steeped

in provincial ways, plunged as we are now into the midst of world

politics, has difficulties lying before it compared to which

contributing a decisive military power is small. There are dangers in

standing aloof from other peoples. But if we surrender too readily our

prejudices and homespun ways, and too rapidly absorb influences from

without, we shall be no safer, for carried too far, that would mean to

lose our mission and our vision. There appears to be, moreover, no

safe and easy middle course which we can follow. Our only course seems

to be clearly to understand ourselves, rise above our limitations and

difficulties, turn our faults into virtues, and make ourselves secure

by our own inner worth and power.

Plainly there are difficult problems ahead of the teachers of American

history. They must not inculcate suspicion and fear, but they must not

present our security in a false light. They must not inspire the

war-like spirit and imperialistic ambitions, but they must do nothing

to lessen our seriousness of purpose and enthusiasm for the future.

They must not teach national vanity, but they must not on the other

hand encourage a spirit which is in any way over-critical and cynical

or supercilious. There must be political wisdom on the part of the

people but not a sophisticated state of mind. These teachers must

inspire a wholesome pride, without creating an inflamed sense of honor

such as has caused so many wars. They must make clear the virtue and

the individuality of our own national life, but in doing this they

must not disparage the foreign and give rise to prejudice and

antagonism. How to establish us still more firmly in our own essential

traits and philosophy of life without making us conceited and closed

to good influences from without; how to give us a strong sense of

solidarity without the attendant sense of opposition to everything

outside the group is a part of our educational work which, in a broad

sense, falls to the teacher of history.

The central problem of the education of national consciousness, in our

view, is to make desires more conscious and to subject them to

discipline and the influence of the best ideals of American life.

MacCurdy says that by making instincts conscious we take a great step

in advance. That we should say is true, if we make them conscious in

the right way, and do not try to substitute rational principles for

them. But we need to go further; we must not only understand and

control the impulses of aggression, jealousy, fear and the like that

have played such a sinister part in history, but we must know more

about those complex and subtile things we call moods, which are really

the main forces in modern life. These moods are accumulations and

repositories of interests and desires, and they must be appreciated by

all who as educators, undertake to direct the forces in our national

life. These desires must be made more definitely conscious everywhere,

and be subjected to influence and education. It is not simply

institutions, organizations and factions that must be watched and

controlled, just because these are the more obvious and most easily

affected expressions of tendencies and desires, but all the subtile

feelings or moods which are the raw materials, so to speak, of future

conduct, ideals, and institutions.

Here comes to view, of course, our whole problem of assimilation of

heterogeneous elements. Favored by our geographical position, and by

the fortunate success and the great suggestive power of the ideal of

liberty with which our history began, America has had, as we all

realize, thus far an unusual career. We have been able to assimilate

foreign elements with great rapidity. We may not be so fortunate in

the future. Distances which have severed our new peoples from their

old ties have become strangely shortened by the war. Our problems of

adjustment have become more subtile and complex. The necessity of

succeeding in unifying our population is more urgent.

Therefore our

future development, as a nation, becomes to a greater extent a process

of conscious direction; what we have done naïvely and by sheer force

of our powers of growth, we must do now, it is likely, more

deliberately and efficiently.

We have before us in America the highly important and by no means

easy task of harmonizing, under new conditions, all sorts of forces

and desires by directing them in ways and toward ends which cannot

now be wholly determined. There is both a psychological and a

pedagogical aspect of the situation. Psychology must perform for

American life something very much like a psycho-analysis; we should

expect to see as a result of the war a greatly increased interest, on

the part of the American people, in themselves; self-understanding

and self-interpretation, we should suppose, would be advanced; all

the sciences of human nature we should think would be called upon to

help us to make a new American history and to formulate the purposes

of our national life.

On the pedagogical side we might expect reasonably to see a deepened

sincerity on the part of all who in any way stand in the position of

teachers. We are dependent upon leaders in a democratic country, and

all leaders in whatever place in society would now, one might hope,

feel a heightened sense of duty