Arrival of the good tidings · Extracts from editorials in Die Waffen nieder · Congratulatory letters from Moritz Adler, Dr. Karl von Scherzer, Björnstjerne Björnson, Balduin Groller, Professor Martens, Prince Dolgorukof, Vice Admiral Semsey, Hedwig Pötting, Kemény, Novikof, Henri Dunant · Objections of opponents
I was sitting in the summerhouse one beautiful August day, waiting for the arrival of the mail. My Own was in the habit of going himself to the postman to get the letters and newspapers that he brought. This was to me always the most interesting hour of the day.
This time he came back with flying steps and shining face and shouted, while still at a distance, “I am bringing the most magnificent, the most surprising news to-day....”
“What is it? Have we made a ten-strike?”
“Almost—listen! This is what some one wrote in last evening’s paper.”
He sat down and read:
“‘The maintenance of general peace and a possible reduction of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations—’”
“That is what we are always saying,” I interrupted, “‘present themselves in the existing condition of the whole world as the ideal toward which the endeavors of all governments should be directed.’”
“Should be, but are not—”
“‘The present moment would be very favorable for seeking, by means of international discussion, the most effectual means of insuring to all peoples the benefits of a real and lasting peace,—’”
“That article must be by Passy or one of our friends.”
“What a clever guess!—‘and, above all, of putting an end to the progressive development of armaments.’”
“Well, indeed—”
“‘Hundreds of millions are devoted to acquiring terrible engines of destruction, which are destined to-morrow to lose all value in consequence of some fresh discovery in this field.’”
“That is nothing new.”
“‘National culture, economic progress, and the production of wealth are either paralyzed, or checked in their development. Economic crises, brought on in great measure by the system of developing armaments to the utmost, and the constant danger that lies in this massing of war material, are transforming the armies of our days into a crushing burden which the peoples have more and more difficulty in bearing.’”
“That article must have been written by a social democrat!”
“More clever than before!—‘It appears evident, then, that if this state of things is to be prolonged it will inevitably lead to the very catastrophe which it is desired to avert, and the very thought of whose horrors makes every man shudder.’”
“Not every man—”
“‘To seek the means of warding off the calamities that are threatening the whole world is the supreme duty that is to-day imposed on all states.’”
“Yes, if only the rulers of states thought so!”
“Well, read for yourself—and rejoice!”
He handed me the paper—and what did I see? That was no article from socialistic or peace circles—it was an official document, addressed in the name of one of the highest war lords to all governments, with an invitation to meet in a conference which should have to deal with this “serious question”—a conference which—I cite the actual words—“would unite in one powerful combination the efforts of all states which are sincerely seeking to make the great idea of universal peace triumphant.”
Was not that like a dream, like a fairy tale?
I recollect that hour which, after receiving these tidings,—truly “Good Tidings,” as the chapter heading of Schach der Qual expressed it,—My Own and I spent together discussing the marvelous event from all sides; it was one of the loveliest hours of our lives. It was actually like counting over the amount of an unexpected windfall.
In the September number of my periodical I expressed my views regarding this event in the following words:
The news that stands at the head of this number, the Tsar’s rescript, is the greatest event which, up to the present time, the peace movement has had to show. It has filled us all with jubilation, for the colossal, and at the same time the unexpected, overpowers. The tidings filled the rest of the world with astonishment, and indeed many (especially the friends of war) with apprehension.
Deep feeling is expressed in the young monarch’s words. The conventionality of ordinary diplomatic phrases, which say nothing, is abandoned once for all. So the peace movement—and we have lived to see the day—has passed over into the sphere of accomplishment.
But the raison d’être of our societies is not abolished thereby. The Tsar’s act proceeded only from the public spirit which of late has been so strongly wrought upon; and the support of public spirit, the organized demonstration of the popular will, is required in order to support this action which has come from so high a source, in order to overcome the hostile forces which will assuredly even now stand in the way.
On the whole, from our standpoint, the event cannot be estimated highly enough. One of the most powerful of rulers acknowledges the peace ideal, comes out as an opponent of militarism; from this time on the movement is incalculably nearer its goal; new ways are opening before it, and it is to be carried on to a new basis of operations.[23]
And in the next issue:
... Other periodicals may have already to a certain degree lost interest in the subject and may only treat it as a reality when the suggested conference takes place; but for us it does not mean a merely ephemeral event, but the most significant milestone in our history so far.
One of the most important and most difficult tasks of the peace societies—the making their purposes known—has been given a mighty boost, for from this time forth the knowledge thereof has not only penetrated into the masses but has also compelled the attention of every politician.
So in this respect the work is accomplished; but now comes the equally difficult task of assisting, according to our abilities, to secure the success of the conference, for the bringing about of which we have preached and voted so much.
Already pessimists and doubters and dealers in spiteful insinuations have arisen on all sides. “As if by a silent conspiracy a large part of the daily press has banded together for the annihilation of a plan which embraces the dearest hopes of humanity” (Concord). The great masses are as lacking in discretion and understanding regarding the rescript as they were in regard to the endeavors of the peace movement, the whole programme of which is contained in it in concentrated form.
One thing is forgotten in this controversy and dubiety. There is always an attempt made to calculate what is to be the result of the conference, and the marvelous fact is left unnoticed that the invitation itself—from such a quarter and with such a motive back of it—is really a triumph for the cause and instantly renders nugatory the hundreds of objections which have always been brought up against our endeavors under the pretext that it would be impossible for autocrats and the most powerful war lords ever to give up the growing armaments.
The settling up of the goal is now the great and cheering element in the event; the discussion of ways and means may be confidently left to those who are sincerely aiming to reach the goal. This is what our enemies feel, and that is why they throw doubt on the sincerity of the invitation. As if one could lie with such words! The rescript is absolutely lacking in the vague sinuosities of diplomatic verbosity. As if anything said should not be directly examined and accepted for what it is! That is the first right of every utterance of every ingenuous man who has not as yet been seduced into rascality.[24]
During the days following the publication of the rescript numberless congratulatory letters and telegrams came to me. I, too, sent congratulations to true-hearted allies. Egidy likewise received many tokens of rejoicing. He afterwards told me that a lady, a friend of his, put a copy of the newspaper containing the rescript in a cover and laid it on his writing table, with the inscription Geburtstagsgeschenk (“a birthday present”); it chanced that Egidy’s birthday coincided with this event.
Here is a selection from the letters that I received:
Ischl, August 29
Highly honored and gracious Lady:
Warm and most respectful congratulations to you and your husband from the depths of my heart! What feelings it must arouse in you! the noblest of all joyful emotions!
That I have lived to see this day I regard as the most incomprehensible and the most surprising delight of my life, which has been so rich in sorrows and so lean in hope. I could not have dreamed of this most noteworthy ex oriente lux, when in Wenn ich Kaiser oder König wäre (“If I were Emperor or King”) I attempted to bind the laurel of this day around the temples of William I, or when in “The Strike” I let a wise prince pour out his heart as he stood facing the unripe nations. Now the dream has come true, and may these forever sleeping nations and inert consciences be aroused with the sound of the trumpet! Goethe hit it:
Thy spirit world is not forbidden;
Thy heart is dead; thy wits are slow!
Wake! student, lave thy breast unchidden
Within the ruddy morning glow!
I consider myself happy to be able to share your delight.
Most respectfully yours
Moritz Adler
Porto Rose near Pirano, August 31
My heartiest congratulations that your indefatigable endeavors continued throughout long years in the interest of universal peace have suddenly, by means of a word on the Neva, brought such a surprising and brilliant victory into happy prospect!
With heart and hand
Dr. Karl von Scherzer
Minister Plenipotentiary (retired)
Munich, August 30
... The Tsar has done a splendid thing. Whatever may come of it, from now on the air is throbbing with thoughts of peace,—even where yesterday they were deemed impossible. This will bring great and unexpected results. Now the Anglo-American treaty will be ratified, and ultimately all Germans will be at one—in such an air all things can come about. You see! it is worth while to preach, to have faith, to be a prophet, energetically and incessantly!
Björnstjerne Björnson
Vienna, August 30
Congratulations from the bottom of my heart! Salvos of victory! Now will the great socialist politicians still continue to scorn us!
Balduin Groller
Sondja, October, 1898
... I know from a very trustworthy source of information that the Emperor wrote this document after he had read Die Waffen nieder. Consequently this fortunate event is to be ascribed wholly to your influence.[25] I learned quite incidentally, through the newspapers, of the rescript which has caused all the friends of peace so much delight, for I have, during the last few years, been very little in St. Petersburg. I take no part in political activities, as I have devoted myself to the interests of the zemstvo, which at the present time demand a great deal of labor and ever claim more and more the intellectual powers of the country. However, a few years ago I made the attempt to organize a Russian peace society. This attempt failed, either because a favorable soil for such a union had not been sufficiently prepared in advance or because I myself lacked the necessary qualifications for promoting it.
As far as the public opinion of the province is concerned, I can from personal observation assert that the most progressive element of society regards the plan of the peace conference from the same standpoint as the leading article of the inclosed newspaper,—favorably and hopefully. As is always the case while public opinion is forming, this is divided into two extreme camps,—the Utopians and the skeptics; the latter, unfortunately, in a majority. I am nevertheless persuaded that our young monarch will draw from the bosom of Russian society the same strength which his grandfather Alexander II thirty-six years ago had to help him in the accomplishment of another solemn deed,—the enfranchisement of the peasants from serfdom,—although then, too, there were many skeptics and people who were even strongly opposed to the reform. The labor and active effort in the question that is interesting us fall, in the present hour, both in Europe and in America, on the parliamentary forces, whose duty it is now to compel their governments to express themselves sincerely and without reservation in regard to the conference proposed by Count Muravieff.
By a strange irony of fate I learned of the imperial manifesto just as I was taking part in the maneuvers in my capacity as reserve officer. The officers regarded the matter without excitement, although the best among them could not help recognizing the correctness of the ideas embodied in the rescript. The others were of the opinion that all the peace projects concerned them very little, and that the military service to which they had been brought up would still for a long time fill their lives.
Our society was deeply moved and grieved by the death of your Empress. What a sad madness speaks in such deeds, and how much to be pitied is mankind when, besides the battle against war, we must also in the midst of peace think of the pacification of the classes.
Accept, etc.
Prince Peter Dolgorukof
Soras near Eperies, August 30
A storm of delight is rushing through the world in view of the mighty aurora that is shining from St. Petersburg. Whatever the result be, the mighty word of one of the mightiest can never be unspoken.
The Lord bless your efforts!
Vice Admiral Semsey
Velden, August 30
Hurrah for the morning glow in the East!
Hedwig Pötting
Budapest, August 29
Can it be possible, can it be true? Now the thing is to use this victory wisely. Something must and will be done. Now it is a pride and a joy to be a friend of peace.
I congratulate us all, and first of all, you. This will rouse many.
Kemény
Secretary of the Hungarian Peace Society
Beckenhorn, September 12
... What do I think of the manifesto? A thousand things. I was at the Lake of Lucerne. I had been enjoying a delightful walk, and in the evening after dinner I took up the Indépendance. I confess I did so almost reluctantly—politics is such an unsavory dish. One would willingly forget it when yielding to the witchery of lovely nature and recovering from the miseries of humanity in the undisturbed purity of the lofty mountain peaks. So, then, imagine my amazement! Instead of the usual diplomatic commonplaces, the Emperor’s manifesto! That absolutely staggered me!
But what do I think of it? In the first place, that we all, those of us who are of one mind with the spirit of the manifesto, ought to support Nicholas II with all our might, not only against his opponents but also against his own person. The undertaking is of great difficulty. He might lose courage in face of the obstacles. Then it will be necessary for liberal opinion in Europe, and especially for the peace unions, to give him unwearied, never-failing assistance.
Secondly, even if the manifesto should have no immediate results, it will undoubtedly have gigantic indirect influence. It establishes a new epoch in the history of Europe. That can never be changed.
Are you coming to Turin? That will be the place for us to lay out a complete plan of campaign. Though I do not belong to the Bureau, yet I am going there at any rate. If I do not have the good fortune to see you in Turin, I will on my way back make you that promised visit at Harmannsdorf.
Yours, etc.
J. Novikof
Heiden, September 21
... Allow me to express my congratulations on the great step which the Tsar has taken on the path to which your most zealous apostleship has been devoted. It is a gigantic step, and, whatever may happen, the world will not shriek, “Utopia!” Disdain of our ideas is no longer possible; even if accomplishment does not immediately follow the work of the conference, which will assuredly take place, still, at all events, a beginning will have been made. This initiative will forever serve as a precedent.
The Empress Elisabeth’s death has greatly saddened me—ah! if only our ideas had been made effective ten years earlier, there would not be any anarchists now.
Henri Dunant
Founder of the Red Cross
The replies of the governments to the manifesto soon began to be received,—almost all in the affirmative. But sincerity was lacking in the tone of the acceptances and in the whole treatment of the invitation. Everywhere, simultaneously, an increase in armaments was seen to be under way. Very deplorable was the attitude of the German Social-Democratic party, which holds that only by this party can militarism be driven from the world; if any one else tries to do it, one who—nota bene—has the power to do it, then it is fraud and farce.
The Neue Hamburger Zeitung sent a note to distinguished contemporaries, requesting opinions on the Russian manifesto. Very interesting replies were received. Among those who were in favor, many of them enthusiastically in favor, were Leo Tolstoi, Maurus Jókai, Otto Ernst, Ernst von Wolzogen, Peter Rosegger, Dr. M. G. Conrad, Cesare Lombroso, and General Türr. I am going to introduce here, however, only some of the replies sent by opponents of the peace movement, because it seems to me most instructive, for understanding the development of universal ideas and social conditions, to learn the obstacles which had and still have to be overcome.
Small differences, like the Caroline Islands question, can be settled by arbitration; greater differences will continue to lead to tests of power ... perpetual peace is in heaven. There is no heaven on earth.
Friedrich Naumann
Retired Pastor
The history of many thousand years unfortunately argues against the possibility that war will ever cease.... At all events the Russian proposal for disarmament is one of the cleverest diplomatic moves of modern times.
B. von Werner
These are questions of high politics with which I have nothing to do. In my opinion, so far as our trade is concerned, all interests are subordinated to one that is paramount, namely, that Germany be respected and feared, but so far as possible without being hated, in the world. Therefore the mercantile class has a vital interest in seeing the safety of the empire assured in the ways understood by those who are responsible for it.
Ferdinand Laeisz
Chairman of the Hamburg Board of Trade
I cannot assent to the general notion that armies prepared for battle are unproductive. Armies are a protection to the nations against attacks.... The idea of disarmament is unfortunate. We should be glad that slouchy men can be trained in a manly education.
Reinhold Begas, Sculptor
This noble enthusiasm will miscarry, just as in 1890 the International Assembly of Workingmen did under Emperor William’s auspices. A mighty state will never, without a struggle, submit to a verdict which offends its rights or merely its essential desires. A glance at the map is sufficient: our empire can resist the ever-possible double attack of France and Russia only by having all its powers in readiness.
I do not waste time thinking of Utopias. France lays down as a condition for every debate the return of the imperial lands; we lay down as our condition the exclusion of every discussion of this question. I think this is a sufficient answer. The talk of the private friends of peace is mere nonsense; the Tsar’s advocacy of peace is perhaps a stimulus to war.
Felix Dahn
Gastein, on the anniversary of Sedan
(September 2, 1870)
The present proposal of Tsarish Russia for disarmament is a fraud.
W. Liebknecht
The stronger the armaments the greater the fear of assuming the responsibility of starting a war. Disarmament would make wars more frequent. Reduction of the present force would withdraw a part of the people from the school of military discipline and very generally diminish their efficiency.... The vital questions of the nations will always be settled by war. Germany must always lead the great powers in its armaments, because it is the only country that has three great powers as neighbors and may at any time be exposed to the danger of waging war on three frontiers. With the increasing solidarity of states, wars will naturally become more and more infrequent. It is a dream to expect anything more, and not even a beautiful dream; for with the guaranty of perpetual peace the degeneracy of mankind would be confirmed.
Dr. Eduard von Hartmann
The reply that most unctuously dripped with wisdom was that furnished by Herr W. Metzger, the Social-Democratic delegate to the Reichstag from the third electoral district in Hamburg. He wrote to the editors that “he did not feel the slightest inclination to waste even a quarter of an hour on that Russian diplomatic trick.” So the third electoral district may be at rest—its representative is saving his time for higher interests than those that are moving the whole civilized world!
Those are the utterances of single individuals. As regards the voice of the newspapers, I collected a great number of clippings at the time. The following are typical of the tone of those opposed:
The Tsar’s proposal for disarmament goes against nature and against civilization. This alone condemns it. Baroness von Suttner, who a few years ago gave the command Die Waffen nieder, and thereby won among all men a brilliant success, is now indeed experiencing the great triumph of having the Tsar join in her summons; but there will be only a short-lived joy in this for Frau von Suttner and all good souls, for, as we have said, disarmament is contrary to nature and inimical to civilization, etc.—Heidelberger Zeitung, August 30.
When the Russian disarmament rescript appeared in August, one of the severest criticisms made upon it was this: “Prince Bismarck has been dead twenty-eight days.” This was as much as to say that care had been taken not to submit this question to European statesmen for discussion during this great stateman’s lifetime, but they waited until after he was dead to spring it. We do not question the correctness of this interpretation, but are of the opinion that if Prince Bismarck had lived to see the publication of the Russian note he would have used the full weight of his authority to prevent Germany from relinquishing at a conference even the very smallest part of its right and duty to regulate its armament absolutely according to its own discretion.—Hamburger Nachrichten, September 18.
A stranger official document than the Tsar’s peace manifesto, his summons to disarm and his proposal for a general conference, has never before thrown official and unofficial Europe into astonishment. The question rises to the lips, Is this an honest Utopia, or is there hidden behind it a deep calculation of Russian politics, which, as is well known, is excelled in slyness by the diplomacy of no other state? It remains at all events a Utopia, in spite of all the European “Friends of Peace,” and all the other chatter about international brotherhood.—Grenzboten, Number 37, September 15.
Our officials believed without any kind of real investigation that they must applaud that manifesto with drums and trumpets, solely for the reason that it had the mighty Tsar as its originator; and they kept up this policy of groveling when there was no more possible doubt that the originator of this manifesto was not the Tsar, but those international peace enthusiasts of the stamp of Suttner and her allies, whom hitherto no one has taken seriously. Our Emperor has found the only correct answer to the Tsar’s proposal; we can wait until his answer is taken to heart in the quarter for which it is intended, and then the Utopian idea of an international conference for disarmament, which is of no earthly use, will disappear finally from the programme.—Staatsbürgerzeitung, September 9.
At the banquet of the Westphalian Provincial Diet, on the eighth of September, Emperor William said:
“Peace will never be better assured than by a thoroughly drilled army ready for instant service, such as, in detachments, we at the present time have had opportunity to admire and to rejoice over. God grant us that it may be ever within our power to conquer with this always keen and well-cared-for weapon. Then the Westphalian peasant may go to sleep in peace.”