Henry Quicke Love Letters to Earth
Priestess and anthropologist, 1
Bag People, 5
Dancers, 10
The Mystery of the Spectacular Ending to the Story of the World, 14 Instructions for Creating the Earth, 18
The Reason the World has Ended, 22
The Afterlife, 26
Priestess and anthropologist , 32
Swakes, 37
War, 42
Weather, 47
Wind, 53
Streams of Conscience, 58
For Love, 62
Priestess and anthropologist , 68
Fishing for Lost Souls, 73
The Two Sighs of God, 79
The Town Fool, 83
A Great Victory, 89
The People Who Retreat from Themselves, 94
Actors, 102
A pair of tattooed warriors grips the anthropologist’s arms and leads him up a
Bag People
There was a time when the Jooga tribe were notorious collectors. They took
everything they could get their hands on, whether natural or man-made, and put it into
piles. They even raided the villages of neighboring tribes, harming no one but stealing
everything that interested them and some things that didn’t, simply to add to their
collections. To outsiders, their village looked like a garbage dump, piles surrounding their
huts, some taller than the huts, some on the huts, some in the village commons, others
stretching out well beyond the boundaries of the village, strangling trees and providing
homes for some animals, playgrounds for others.
At first, the Joogas had a system of classification that allowed them to put like
items in like piles. Spear-shaped objects went in one pile, egg-shaped objects in another.
Flexible objects in one pile, brittle objects in another. Daytime objects in one pile,
nighttime objects in another. When an object fell into more than one category, the
village’s Collector-in-Chief would weigh the factors and make the call. The system
worked for centuries, until the nearby river became the bearer of a new variety of objects
that seemed impossible to classify. The Joogas found floating down the river and
amassing on its banks objects which appeared egg-shaped when first discovered, but could become spear-shaped simply by pulling on the ends. Then there were objects that seemed
both flexible and brittle depending on the direction you tried to bend them and on other
factors, like the weather. There were also many objects that could be used in both
daytime and nighttime, and some that seemed useful at no time. Such objects caused a
breakdown in the classification system, and the piles, once neat and orderly, became
chaotic and cluttered, and the sheer numbers of items found floating in the river threatened
to overwhelm the village.
Then one day it began raining, so hard that the Joogas were driven into their huts,
where they watched out their doorways as their treasured piles collapsed in the downpour.
The storm continued for days, and soon the banks of the river overflowed, and the Joogas
were forced to climb into trees like monkeys just to prevent themselves from being swept
away. When the flood surged through the village, all the collections of the Joogas were
washed away, as were their huts, leaving them with nothing. Finally, as the waters began
to recede and the rain began to slow, the heavens provided them with the greatest object
yet invented, an object so useful and well-suited to the Joogas, it had to come directly
from the gods. The rain turned from water into bags, and the whole sky was suddenly
checkered with falling bags. Some of the bags caught their handles on the branches of the
trees and hung there like new fruit, while others turned upside down and landed on the
heads of the frightened Joogas. When the rains, and the bags, finally stopped falling, the
Joogas climbed down from the trees (some with bags still on their heads, afraid to touch
them), sank their feet into the muddy ground, and wept at the loss of their cherished
collections.
The Collector-in-Chief called a meeting, to which he requested that everyone bring one of the bags that had been given to them by the gods. The bags were large, made of
plain beige cloth, with egg-shaped wooden handles that opened wide.
“The gods have sent us both a message and a gift,” said the Collector-in-Chief.
“The message is that our collections had become too heavy and threatened to break the
back of the earth, so the gods decided to wash them away. To replace our collections, the
gods have sent us the gift of these new containers, which are objects from their own
collections. ‘May we suggest you try these?’ the gods are saying, and as usual we will
follow the good suggestions of the gods.”
Thus it was decreed that from now on each person’s entire collection must never
exceed the dimensions of his bag.
Almost overnight, the Jooga culture changed dramatically. They rebuilt their
village and lived as before, but now they were much choosier about the items they
collected, knowing that only so much could fit in one bag. Their lives felt lighter and
more concise, and their collections sometimes surprised them with meanings that would
have been smothered in the era of great piles.
The Joogas still raid villages, but now they take very little, and if they take more
than they can fit in their bags, they return what they don’t use.
“I won’t be needing this,” a Jooga will say, handing a stolen cup back to its owner.
“Oh, so it’s not good enough for you?” the owner will say knowingly.
Almost every Jooga’s bag is full, even at an early age, so that an addition to its
contents also means a subtraction of something already bagged. The young Jooga’s bag is
often full of flashy items plucked from the river, while an older Jooga replaces such items
with subtler ones, more personally and less conventionally meaningful. Household items used daily--cooking utensils, clothing, personal grooming items-
are exempted from the bag’s contents. All else is part of the collection. When a Jooga
obtains a new and interesting item, he may carry that item around the village for a day or
two, showing it to everyone he meets. At night, though, it must be returned to the bag,
which is kept in a corner of its owner’s hut.
The entire collection is brought out only for special occasions, such as the
beginning of a new friendship or marriage. When two Joogas strike up a conversation for
the first time, one will suggest an oog, a meeting in which two people display the contents
of their bags to each other. Sometimes old friends will renew their friendship with an oog,
too.
At an oog, two or more Joogas will take turns pulling out items from their bags.
The owner will describe each item, where and when it was found, what it might be used
for, and will then tell any stories connected with it, which are often embellished to make
the item more meaningful and important.
“This is a nut that fell on my head when I was a boy,” said one Jooga man, twisting
the nut between his fingers and weighing it in his hand.
The man’s wife, a woman well known for the beautiful black beads she’d worn
around her neck, had recently died, and his friends had suggested an oog to help him
overcome his grieving.
“I was walking in the place where the parrots feed,” said the man, “and it was the
first time I was allowed to walk in the trees alone. The nut frightened me and left a bump
on my head for many days. When I picked the nut off the ground, I looked to see who
had dropped it. There was a parrot high in the tree above me, looking down at me, first with one eye and then the other. ‘I suppose you want this back,’ I said to the parrot. ‘I
found it first,’ replied the parrot. ‘But when you dropped it on my head, it became mine,’
I said, ‘so go find another.’ ‘I’ll scratch your eyes out,’ said the parrot. ‘You’ll have to
catch me first, stupid parrot,’ I said and then ran swiftly back to the village and put the nut
in my bag, swapping out the eye of a fish I had recently found on the river bank.”
“No wonder the parrots don’t like you,” joked another Jooga. “Word gets
around.”
“That doesn’t bother me,” said the first man, now pulling out a mummified parrot,
the next item in his bag.
The others laughed, until they noticed that the parrot’s eyes had been replaced
with two of the softly glowing black beads that had once rested snugly in the hollow of his
beautiful wife’s neck.
They said nothing, out of respect for this mystery, and then they looked away,
searching their own bags for a story to tell. Dancers
It is said that the Lakas are natural dancers because when they walk from hut to
hut or village to village they must spin, shuffle, and slide over treacherous, cliff-hugging
paths and the knife-sharp rocks that stipple their jagged island. So rarely do the Lakas
encounter flat earth that when they do their knees bow and their feet roll over onto their
ankles and their torsos sway and totter until they finally collapse to the dirt and struggle
for hours to regain their feet, like turtles flipped on their backs. The skips and twists in
the Lakas’ walk form a kind of dance, and one they must learn early or else risk tumbling
down spiked hillsides into the gnashing surf. But that is only part of it. For the Lakas, life
itself is a dance, one to be shaped and practiced until it achieves a form so marvelous and
real it will survive its dancer.
Every important event in a Laka’s life gets expressed in a common language of
dance steps. Because of this, a Laka may recall his entire life by joining these steps into
one continuous life-dance. The dance embodies the history and personality of its dancer,
so much so that Lakas make no real distinction between a person and his dance. If several
Lakas long for the company of an absent friend, they may elect someone to perform part
of their friend’s life dance. Then, magically, the performer seems transformed into the friend. This ceremony brings comfort to the families and friends of loved ones on long
journeys and those who’ve passed away. It brings back ancestors for the delight of
descendants who never knew them and raises long-dead chiefs, whose dance steps still
edify and inspire.
A Laka’s dancing life begins when its first step is recorded in front of the entire
village. The child’s father holds its arms while music is played, speeches are made, and
fires burn at the cardinal points, the shadows creating new geometries on the rocky earth.
Finally, haltingly, the child lifts a knee and steps into a life of dance.
“Let the dance begin!” shouts the village chief.
“And let the dance be named Rakbu!” shout the child’s parents, announcing for the
first time the name of their child--and his dance.
As the child grows older, his life-dance grows longer and more complex. When he
travels, he will add movements to recount each of the islands and peoples he visits. When
he marries, a great ceremony will be held in which bride and groom adopt one dance step
from each other’s life dance, the more sentimental couples choosing each other’s first step
to signify a new beginning. If the child is foolish enough to grow into a criminal, his
crimes, too, will be recorded in the life dance. And the dance steps for crimes are not ones
that any dancer would choose to perform: the dance step for stealing is to spank yourself
repeatedly on the bare buttocks, and the dance step for adultery is to lie across jagged
rocks while others walk over your back.
When a Laka dies, his life dance is performed by friends and relatives in a funeral
ceremony that can take hours, with mourners bursting into tears as the dance recalls for
them the poignant moments of the deceased’s life, though the mourners take solace in knowing that the deceased’s life dance lives on, and that a Laka is never really dead until
his life dance is forgotten, which may take several generations or more, depending on the
respect and affection he generated and the skill with which he danced.
This is the reason the Lakas are such perfectionists. If they wish their dance to
survive them, they must make it memorable, and a memorable dance must have both
interesting choreography and skillful dancing.
The choreography of every Laka’s dance is determined solely by the important
events in his life. For this reason, the Lakas often seem to base their life decisions purely
on the dance steps that follow. They’ll visit a certain island just to add that island’s dance
step to their own dance. They’ll build a new hut just to add the building-a-hut step to
their dance. They have even been known to trip and fall on purpose, breaking an arm just
to add the wrist-swinging, thigh-slapping motion of an arm-break to their dance. When
spouses fight, they accuse each other of marrying solely to steal their dance step.
This is how the Lakas give shape to their lives and why, for them, every life event
is experienced not just for its own sake but also for the sake of its effect on their dance.
Some would say that the Lakas’ real living takes place only when they dance, so that for
them life and art are reversed, and living is worthwhile mainly for the life it brings to art.
But perhaps this is the price they pay to fulfill their deepest desire: that upon their deaths
they will have shaped their lives into a dance so inspiring and beautiful that future
generations will long to dance in their steps, bringing them back to life, leap by leap,
shuffle by shuffle. The Mystery of the Spectacular Ending to the Story of the World
The Ahala believe that before the earth was created, all of the gods gathered
around the great campfire for a feast, and Agwan, the god of contests, suggested that they
celebrate the plentiful feast with a storytelling competition. Agwan began, and each god
in the circle of gods took a turn telling an astonishing and infinitely complex tale, far
beyond human comprehension. When all of the stories were told, a heated discussion
arose which lasted perhaps thousands of years in human time, but which was of course
very brief in the life of a god. Finally, and by the narrowest of margins, it was resolved
that the story of the goddess Ma’hal, the silver-tongued goddess of words, was the most
interesting, particularly because of its spectacular ending. Thus it is that Ma’hal’s story