The Dragon in Medieval East Christian and Islamic Art by Sara Kuehn, Sebastian Günther, et al - HTML preview

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chapter nine

contained within a chalice (fig 161) The foot of

proximity of the dragon protome to the vessel’s

the chalice is held in place by the interlaced rep-

rim, which is rendered as if eager to reach for

tilian bodies, patterned with scales, which spring

the contents, was perhaps seen as token of the

from the base of a four-columned structure that

liquid’s protection

holds up a fountain, probably representing the

The motif of a serpent lapping from a vessel

“Fountain of Life,” underlining the paradisiac

was a well-known theme in depictions of Greek

symbolism associated with the illumination of

mythology 118 It appears on a sixth-century Byz-

canon tables 114 The composition is flanked by

antine gilded silver dish, preserved in the State

winged mythical creatures, a griffin to the left and

Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, an example of

a sphinx-like being playing a stringed instrument

the reception of Dionysiac motifs in sixth-century

on the right

Byzantine art 119 It shows a young woman with

The symbolism of a dragon with its head placed

one knee bent at a right angle, opening with one

close to the vessel as if eager to reach the contents

hand the lid of a cylindrical container from which

while its body serves as handle attached to jugs

a serpent is emerging, while with the other hold-

and ewers had been known since ancient times 115

ing a calyx-like vessel, from whose contents the

The motif became formalised in the post-Sasanian

serpent is lapping The container has been iden-

period with the body of the dragon becoming

tified as cista mystica, the iconographic emblem

more stylised 116 This type of imagery in which the

of the Eleusinian and Bacchic mysteries to which

gaping snout of a dragon head holds the rim of a

in late Hellenistic times a serpent issuing from

vessel above a handle or, alternatively, releases the

the sacred cista was added 120 The female figure is

liquid when it serves as spout (fig 35), is associ-

probably associated with a mystery cult, perhaps

ated with the reading of the dragon as beneficent

representing a maenad, one of the female follow-

custodian, safeguarding the precious contents of

ers of the god Dionysos (fig 163) 121 A similar

the vessel

motif is associated with Hygieia, goddess of medi-

The dragon’s role as a beneficent creature,

cine, whose cult spread with that of her mythical

guardian of the liquid of vessels, evoked in the

father Asklepios and who like her father is invari-

figure of a winged and horned dragon with elon-

ably associated with a serpent, sometimes shown

gated snout and open jaws, reaching towards the

as drinking from a bowl held in her hand 122 The

folded lip of a vessel while the frontlegs hold onto

motif of the lapping dragon, which seems to be

the side wall just below the rim, is featured on a

rooted in Dionysiac lore, was also known in early

late seventh- or early eighth-century pear-shaped

Kushan-period Gandhāra (present-day Afghani-

gold jug of unknown provenance, preserved in

stan and Pakistan) It is exemplified on a schist

the Moscow Historical Museum (fig 162) 117 The

relief (fig 164) with a nude boy ( eros or putto)

114 For a discussion of the overall iconography of Arme-

nian canon tables (which however does not consider the role

another marble relief, again perhaps from Tomis, dating to

of the dragons), see Mathews and Sanjian, 1991, pp 169–73,

the second or third century ad, now in a private collection,

esp p 171 On the symbolism of the fons vitae, see Under-

London, where the reptile drinks from a phiale offered

wood, 1950, pp 43–138

by a standing goddess flanked by an approaching rider

115 See chapter 3, “The dragon motif on vessels ” Melikian-

See Lane, ed , 1996, p 142, fig K12, p 143, fig K14 The

Chirvani identifies the representation of a feline or mythi-

motif of a goddess offering liquid from a vial to a serpent

cal head griping the rim of a vessel as visual metaphor of

is also shown on a Roman relief in the National Museum,

“the king drinking wine as a substitute for sacrificial blood”

Palermo, inv no 1551 ( ibid, p 157) as well as on a late

which goes as far back as Achaemenid times See idem, 1992,

Roman votive relief, now in the Musée du Louvre, Paris,

pp 101–34, idem, 1995, pp 47–97, esp pp 54–7 for literary

inv no MA 3316 ( ibid, p 148) A distant echo of the motif

images of wine as substitute for blood libations, and idem,

is found on fifth-century bc stone reliefs and terracotta

1996, pp 85–139

plaques from Lakonia, attesting to its great antiquity Cf

116 Cf the parallel development of the feline, most often

Salapata, 2006, pp 541–60 It also appears on an archaic

symbolising a panther, in post-Sasanian art, Ettinghausen,

Laconian relief from Gerakion featuring the descent of the

1972, pp 3–10

dead to Hades Elderkin, 1924, pl II, fig 2, and p 11 with

117 Marshak, 1971, T8, and 1986, pp 58–9, fig 68 (line

further references

119

drawing); Rempel’, 1987a, 63, fig 24b

For a discussion of the reception of Dionysiac motifs

118 See the discussion in Elderkin, 1924, pp 11, 15–9,

in Sasanian art, cf Ettinghausen, 1972, pp 3–10

120

37–8, 41–3, 137 The iconographic scheme of a serpent

Burkert, 1995, p 84 See also Kelhoffer, 2000,

drinking from a vessel appears, for instance, on a marble

pp 364–5

121

relief from Tomis (Constanta), dated to the second cen-

Cf Iskusstvo Vizantii v sobraniiakh SSSR, 1977, vol 1,

tury ad, preserved in Bucharest, Archaeological Institute, a

p 98, fig 133

122

serpent coiled around a tree moves to drink from a phiale-

Cf Thrämer, “Health and Gods of Healing (Greek),”

held out by a rider next to an enthroned goddess See also

ERE, vol 6, part 2, 1914, p 552

vestiges of ancient dragon iconographies

157

attempting to quench the thirst of a dragon who

attested in the eleventh- or early twelfth-century

seems to lap from the contents of a bowl that is

Byzantine encyclopaedia of the Metaphrastian

offered while a second boy, also holding a cup,

Menologion volumes featuring so-cal ed “revenge

rides sideways on its back 123

miniatures ”127 These show the crowned figures of

In Christian iconography the Dionysiac symbol

Roman tyrants responsible for the deaths of mar-

of the cup or the kantharos took on a new sig-

tyred saints, associated with a serpent or dragon

nificance by becoming the Eucharistic chalice 124

seen as an embodiment or emissary of Satan One

The motif of the drinking serpent appears as the

of these depictions portrays a crowned figure,

serpent-topped chalice of John the Evangelist 125

probably representing the emperor Maximian,

While it is likely that this form of imagery was

holding a vessel from which a serpent is drink-

initially imbued with ideas of healing and salva-

ing 128

tion, associated with the beneficial aspect of the

Hence it is a reasonable conjecture that the

serpent, the same motif later increasingly came to

drinking dragons on the “Dragon Cloth” sec-

be reinterpreted and reformulated in a negative

tion of the lining of the coronation mantle of

sense when the meaning of the myth associated

Roger II, those over the door at the monastery of

with the serpent was inverted As a result of this

Mār Behnām and those in the Vani Gospels all

process the (serpent-)dragon assumed an overall

belong to the same symbolic group, representing

meaning as symbol and instrument of a fiend-

the visual remnants that survived the mutations

ish force in Christian imagery, thus frequently

of ancient beliefs The basic association between

bearing the traces of the mental and cultural shift

the vessel as container of liquid and the dragon

imposed by the new religious system 126 In the

was so strong that it survived in different forms

new Christian context, numerous hagiographic

even though the original iconographic association

and other traditions created a restructured ver-

had perhaps long been forgotten 129 Vestiges of

sion of ancient mythical themes pertaining to

the importance of its former cultic associations

the dragon In consequence, there was a shift in

can however still be gauged from the “revenge

mythological paradigm, the force of the earlier

miniatures” in which the original intent of the

myth died, was changed or suppressed and only

iconography of the drinking serpent was inverted

vestiges of it remain This inversion of meaning is

and survives in corrupted form

123 Kurita, 1988, repr 2003, vol 2, fig 737 (erroneously

contained snake venom Already in classical antiquity it was

catalogued as lion) Cf Ingholt, 1957, pp 156–7, no 296;

quite well-known that a viper’s venom is harmful only if it

Boardman, 2003, pp 139–40, fig 10 (line drawing)

enters directly into a person's blood stream (that is, through

124 See Elderkin, 1924, pp 41–7

an open wound) but not if it is imbibed See idem, pp 433–

125 The motif refers to the challenge given to Saint John

452, with further examples of “miracles” involving the drink-

by the High Priest of Diana at Ephesus to drink from a poi-

ing of snake venom

soned cup; in order to warn him, two criminals had been

126 See p 119, n 85

given the same poison to drink and they both died imme-

127 Cf the example of an eleventh- or early twelfth-

diately However the apostle made the sign of the cross, the

century Byzantine encyclopaedia of the Metaphrastian

poison departed from the cup in the form of a serpent and

Menologion, n 986 Cf Walter, 2003, pp 52–3

John did not suffer any ill effects Recorded in Book V of the

128 Sinai, Monastery of Saint Catherine, gr 508, fol 234v:

Acts of the Apostles of the Apocrypha Abdias, reportedly

Inde and Domna (6F7) See Patterson Ševčenko, 1990, p 156

from the Bishop of Babylon; Fabricius, J A , Codex apocry-

129 Cf the parallel transmission of the Dionysiac animal,

phus Novi Testamenti, ed secunda, Hamburg, 1719, vol 1,

the panther or lynx, into Sasanian and post-Sasanian art and

p 577, see Barb, 1953, p 9; also Kelhoffer, 2000, pp 449–52

the concluding remarks of Ettinghausen, 1972, p 10 Note

While it is not specified what kind of harmful substance was

also the use of both serpent and feline (in this case inter-

contained in the potion offered to Saint John, it is of note

preted as lion) on the handle of the Bobrinsky bucket ( idem,

that this deed may not be as miraculous at it appears had it

fig 125)

158