The Dragon in Medieval East Christian and Islamic Art by Sara Kuehn, Sebastian Günther, et al - HTML preview

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chapter fourteen

latter provided the prototype for the popular

mystic al-Hujwīrī (d 469/1076) in his Kashf

Christian tale of Barlaam and Joasaph, recorded

al-Maḥ jūb, a treatise on Ṣūfism, which again uses

by the Georgian monk Euthymius (955–1028) 48

the well (or pit) symbolism:

The parable with the dragon imagery, the snakes

It is well-known that one day he fell into a pit

in the story most likely being a reflection of the

After three days had passed a party of travellers

likeness of the great dragon, thus proved to be

approached Abū Ḥamza said to himself: “I will

meaningful in the long term both within and

call out to them ” Then he said: “No; it is not

far beyond the Western Asian world This is fur-

good that I seek aid from anyone except God,

ther attested by yet another version of the parable

and I shall be complaining of God if I tell them

recorded by the court poet Manuel Philes

that my God has cast me into a pit and implore

( c 1275– c 1345) of the Byzantine emperor

them to rescue me ” When they came up and

Andronikos II, in which however the well was

saw an open pit in the middle of the road, they

represented as a tree while the dragon’s role at

said: “For the sake of obtaining divine recompense

the bottom remained a constant:

(thawāb) we must cover this pit lest anyone should

fall into it ” Abū Ḥamza said: “I became deeply

On a picture of Life which represents a tree, in

agitated and abandoned hope of life After they

which is a man gaping upwards and quaffing

blocked the mouth of the pit and departed, I

honey from above, while below, the roots [of the

prayed to God and resigned myself to die, and

tree] are being devoured by mice: On seeing this

hoped no more of mankind When night fell I

symbol of the shadow of [earthly] things, bear

heard a movement at the top of the pit I looked

in mind, O man, the end that is hidden from

attentively The mouth of the pit was open, and

you Standing upright, you are enjoying the honey

I saw a huge animal like a dragon, which let down

of pleasure, while a dragon with gaping mouth

its tail I knew that God had sent it and that I

awaits your fall to destroy you 49

should be saved this way I took hold of its tail

and it dragged me out A heavenly voice cried

The parable of the “Man in the Well” thus exem-

to me, ‘this is an excellent escape of thine O Abū

plifies the potency of the visual allegory in which

Ḥamza! We have saved thee from death by means

the dragon’s maw stands for death, imagery that

of death ’53

transcended geographic, cultural and religious

boundaries and was long shared not only by the

The pit is a metaphor for life and the dragon a

peoples of the medieval Western Asian environ-

means of achieving liberation from it 54

ment but also by those of adjacent cultures 50

Hagiographical literature also yields examples

The dragon is hence credited with the posses-

of saints receiving help from serpent jinn s as is

sion of great transformative powers The ability

illustrated by the story of shaykh Muḥammad

to metamorphose, to transcend a situation and

al-Udfūwī who once performed the pilgrimage

respond to changing circumstances, were exactly

to Mecca with a group of ṣūfī s who had no provi-

the qualities associated with the mystic A meta-

sions:

phor of change and transformation on the mystic

…so the shaykh held out a bowl and took up a

path, the great mythical beast thus functions as

collection from among them saying, “whoever

an allegory of his guardianship of heavenly trea-

has something and hopes for a divine reward in

sure and hidden mysteries, a hermeneutic tool51

recompense should put it in this bowl ” A large

of particular significance for the mystic Its affil-

snake suddenly came forward with a dirham in

iation with the notion of the ultimate transforma-

its mouth and dropped it into the bowl saying,

tive power of death converts it in the eyes of the

‘We are jinn who have come to make the pilgrim-

mystic into “the dragon of freedom and detach-

age with you this year ’55

ment ”52

In the mystical tradition the entire spectrum of

This is exemplified by the story of the Iranian

the dragon’s multivalent forces is called into play

mystic Abū Ḥamza al-Khurāsānī told by the

In the hagiography of the great Khurasani mystic

48 De Blois, 1990, p 34 Cf Der Nersessian, 1937,

53 Tr and ed Nicholson, 1976, p 96

pp 63–5; Ch’en, 1968, pp 219–21

54 Daneshvari, 1993, p 23

49 Cod Escur , Poem no 248 Cf Mango, 1972, p 247

55 Ibn al-Zāyyat, Kitāb al-Kawākib al-Zayyāra,

50 Cf Janda, 2010, ch Die Parabel vom Mann im Brunnen,

pp 157–8; also Ibn ʿUth mān, Murshid al-zuwwār, pp 271–2;

pp 174–81

al-Sakhāwī, Tuḥfat al-aḥbāb, pp 276–7; and Ibn al-Nāsikh,

51 Cf Taylor, 1999, p 139

Miṣbāḥ al-dayājī, fols 33v-34v; cited after Taylor, 1999,

52 The phrase is borrowed from Daneshvari, 1993, p 22

p 156

the dragon as symbol of transformation

201

Abū Saʿīd ibn Abi ’l-Khayr Mayhanī (357/967–

it received with great humility, rubbing its face

440/1049),56 entitled Asrār al-tawḥīd (compiled

in the dust and weeping so much that the rock

around 575/1180),57 the shaykh is said to have

where its head lay became wet Having heard all

kept company with dragons during his retreats

it went away 58

One day he asked one of his particularly unruly

The same work contains a collection of sayings

disciples to perform his ablutions at a stream and

attributed to Abū Saʿīd ibn Abi ’l-Khayr, in which

his prayers on a rock, and then wait for a “friend”

there is a passage stating that the celebrated Isla-

of his who had been with him for seven years,

mic mystic Abū yazīd (Bāyazīd) al-Biṣṭāmī

and in whose companionship he had found much

(d 261/874 or 264/877–8) is said to have mounted

comfort and relaxation, to convey him his greet-

a lion brandishing a venomous serpent as a whip 59

ings:

A depiction of the angel Abi ’l-Ḥanaf as crowned

rider on a lion holding a second crown in his

Then suddenly there was a dreadful clap and the

right hand and an upright dragon staff in his left

mountain quaked [The disciple] looked and saw

hand is found in a mid- to late thirteenth-century

an awful black dragon, the largest he had ever

Anatolian manuscript, known as Daqāʾiq

seen: its body filled the whole space between two

al-Ḥaqāʾiq, although the paintings may be of a

mountains At the sight of it his spirit fled; he

later date (fig 181) 60

was unable to move and fel senseless to the earth

Marianne Barrucand iden-

The dragon advanced towards the rock, on which

tifies the horned dragon with open mouth and

it laid its head reverently After a little while the

once looped body as a sceptre 61 In the sixth

dervish recovered himself somewhat, and observ-

volume of the Math nawī, Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī

ing that the dragon had come to a halt and was

describes the eleventh-century mystic Abu

motionless, he said, though in his terror he

’l-Ḥasan ʿAlī ibn Aḥmad Kharraqānī (d 425/1033)

scarcely knew what he said, “The Shaykh greets

in the same manner, portraying him as “the model

thee ” The dragon with many signs of reverence

of a saint who has perfectly mastered his base

began to rub its face in the dust, whilst tears

soul and is therefore master over the lower ani-

rolled from its eyes This, and the fact that it

mals in the world, who are bound to serve him

attempted nothing against him, persuaded the

just as his nafs has learned to serve him ”62 The

dervish that he had been sent to meet the dragon;

depiction of the mystic riding a dangerous animal

he therefore delivered the Shaykh’s message, which

such as a lion or a dragon thus symbolises his

56 For a monograph on the mystic, see Meier, 1976

instance, on the obverse of a copper coin of 585/1189 struck

57 Barthold, 1958, p 311; Ritter, “Abū Saʿīd Faḍl Allāh b

by ʿImād al-Dīn Abū Bakr ibn Qara Arslan (581/1185–

Abī ’l-Khair,” EI 2 I, p 145b

600/1203–4) of Khartpert, see Spengler and Sayles, 1992,

58 Nicholson, 1967, pp 70–1 Cf Gohrab, 2000, p 85

p 61; What the Coins Tel Us, 2009, p 101) and on the above-

59 Muḥammad ibn al-Munawwar ibn Abī Saʿīd, Asrār

discussed Samanid-period bowl (fig 55) In the Shāh-nāma

al-Tawḥīd fī Maqāmāt al-Shaykh Abī Saʿīd, Tehran 1313, repr

the hero Rustam is also describes as riding on a dragon (see

1366–7, tr O’Kane, J , The Secrets of God’s Mystical Oneness,

p 112) This may be compared to king Ṭahmūrath using

New york, 1992; Gohrab, 2000, pp 85–6

Iblīs as mount; see p 134, n 12

60 Rogers, “Saldjūḳids,” EI 2 VIII, 936a See also Süslü,

61 Barrucand, 1990–1, p 141

1984, p 173, and pl LXXX, fig 8 A related depiction in a

62 Mathnawī VI 2120–1, as cited in Schimmel, 1980,

late fourteenth-century Persian drawing, probably from

repr 1993, p 313 The motif is also used on talismans as

Shiraz, Muẓaffarid period, shows a man riding a lioness

exemplified by the representation of a woman clad in red

with a snake around his waist, another in his left hand and

knee-length pantaloons riding a lion and holding a serpent

holding on to a further snake wound around the lioness’s

in the left hand, a seal of the planet Mars, illustrated in the

neck Preserved in Istanbul, Topkapı Sarayı Museum,

Dahīra al-iskandarīya, 24a, -3 to 24a, -3; cf Ruska, 1926,

Library, Album H 2152, fol 2r; Raby, 1981, p 160 and

pp 98–9, with the title, Ṣanʿat al-haraz al-ṭilasmiyya al-nāfiʿa

fig 479, where a relationship between this drawing and

min al-amrāḍ al-ʿasīrat al-burʾ, as cited in Ullmann, 1972,

the motif of the snake-wielding demon Tarish (Grube and

p 419 and n 4 It is noteworthy that this imagery was

Johns, 2005, p 216, fig 70 8) is suggested The miracle of the

known in the Jewish tradition; the Talmud mentions that

snake-wielding and lion-riding mystic appears also in the

king Nebuchadnezzar rode a lion and held in his hands, as

cult of the siddha s (mythical originators of a popular religio-

a bridle, a serpent ( Sabbath 150a) The same animals, the

magical movement popular among the Hindus in northern

very deadliest creatures, lions and poisonous serpents, are

India in the eleventh and twelfth centuries), as recorded

mentioned in biblical references, for instance “Thou shalt

in the legends of the 84 siddha s of the Hindu Buddhist

tread upon the lion and adder [a venomous snake]; the young

tradition In one of the legends Guru Ḍombipa, a king who

lion and the dragon shalt thou trample under feet” (Psalm

was forced to abdicate because he chose a low-caste woman

91, 13), symbolising Christ’s triumph over evil Van Henten

as his consort in Tantric exercises, retires to the wilderness

(1995, repr 1998, p 266) interprets this combination of the

After twelve years of practice the king in union with his

dragon and the lion as a result of Iranian influence It may,

consort emerges on a young pregnant tigress, holding a

therefore, not be irrelevant to note that in Zoroastrianism,

poisonous snake as a whip Grünwedel, 1916, pp 137–228,

both lion and serpent figure prominently in Pahlawī literature

esp p 148; and Buddha’s Lions, tr Robinson, 1979, p 35

as creatures of Ahriman, the first as main representative of

The motif of the dragon-rider appears on Artuqid coins (for

the “wolf species,” the second most deadly of the khrafstra s

202