The Dragon in Medieval East Christian and Islamic Art by Sara Kuehn, Sebastian Günther, et al - HTML preview

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chapter four

Whenever one of you, he said, be bitten, let him

In the former, the uplifted serpent healed the

come to the serpent that is placed upon the tree,

bites of the serpents; in the latter, the crucified

and let him hope, in faith that it though dead

Jesus healed the wounds inflicted by the spiri-

is able to give life, and he shall straightway be

tual dragon In the former, there was the uplifted

saved

brass fashioned in the likeness of a serpent; in

the latter, the Lord’s body formed by the spirit 188

In the Armenian apocryphal tradition a promise

was made to Adam at the expulsion that he will

The tenth-century polymath al-Bīrūnī, one of

be restored as ruler of Paradise after the Second

the most eminent literary and scientific figures

Coming, an event which may be implied in the

of the medieval Islamic period, records a Chris-

carving with the giant serpents appearing to guard

tian source which also relates the brazen serpent

the gates of Paradise

to the cross:

At least from the beginning of the fifth century,

God ordered the Israelites to make a serpent of

the cross was regarded as a powerful amulet,186

brass and to hang it on a beam, which was to be

hence in the early Christian period crosses placed

erected, for the purpose of keeping off the injury

on or near entrances served primarily protective

done by the serpents when they had become very

and apotropaic functions 187 The Christian cross

numerous in the desert Now from this fact they

together with the dragons thus undeniably has

infer and maintain that it was a prophecy and a

a special function as an apotropaion guarding a

hint indicative of the Cross (of Christ) 189

threshold

Correspondingly, as Hans Leisegang asserts in

The association of the dragon with the cross

his discussion of the Epistle of Barnabas,190 the

may be related to the symbol of the serpent as it

serpent lifted up by Moses is characterised as

appears in the Gospel of John (3:14):

a representation of Jesus, an identification that

And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilder-

became an established motif in Christian symbol-

ness, even so must the Son of Man be lifted up

ism, and the counterpart of the satanic serpent

In his homily on the Gospel of John, the fourth-

in Paradise 191

century archbishop of Constantinople, John

At the same time, the multivalent aspect of

Chrysostom ( c 347–407), similarly compares

the symbol of the cross, employed as metaphor

the “lifting up” of the serpent with the manner

for both the crucifixion and the resurrection192 of

of Jesus’ death and parallels the Christ himself

Christ, has to be taken into account In Armenian

with the likeness of the serpent:

exegetical works the khatchkʿar is often elaborated

as “Wood of Life” (pʿayt kenats) 193 The equation

of the “living” cross with vegetation194 provides an

186 Canaan, 1938, p 175, n 249

192 With regard to the Christian Feast of the Apparition of

187 Kitzinger, 1970, p 640

the Flaming Cross in Heaven, al-Bīrūnī records that, accord-

188 Tr Sr Thomas Aquinas Goggin, 1957–60, 1:262–3

ing to Christian scholars, Constantine’s mother, Helena, went

189 Although he derides this reference as indulgence in

to Jerusalem to find the cross of Christ which when placed

“tricks and hallucinations”; Kitāb al-Āthār, tr and ed Sachau,

upon a dead body could resurrect the dead He further notes

1876–8, pp 292–3

that the wood used for the cross is referred to as “the wood

190 XII 5–6, tr Kirsopp, L , The Apostolic Fathers, London

of Paeonia,” which is frequently “attached to a man who

and New york, 1914, vol 1, p 385, cited after Leisegang,

suffers from epilepsy, being considered as a symbol of the

1955, repr 1979, p 229 Cf Daniélou, 1964, pp 92, 271;

resurrection of the dead” ( Kitāb al-Āthār, tr and ed Sachau,

Thomson, 1970, ch 473, n 1

1876–8, pp 293–3) For related narratives on the associa-

191 Apocalypse of Moses 16–9; Justin, Dialogue 124;

tion of the Cross and the Tree of Life, see Wünsche, 1905,

Origen, De principiis 3 2 1 In this connection it is interest-

pp 15–7

ing to consider an eighth-century Armenian text in which

193 See the Homily by David Anyaghtʿ, cited in Russell,

the church is said to be “a paradise planted by God which

2004, pp 630 and 1194 In Agathangelos’ fifth-century

evil cannot enter; for from that first one we were expelled

theological teachings, Teaching of St. Gregory, the cross is

through the wiles of the serpent, but we enter this one

praised as a “Tree of Life rooted in the earth” (tr and ed

through Christ … In that other paradise was planted a tree of

Thomson, 1970, pp 7–9, 21–3, and chs 577–86, 618–31)

life, forbidden to the firstborn; while here we have the cross

On the cult of the Tree of Life in Armenia, see Russell, 1987,

of life, planted by the same planter, and which has taken

p 33 The Tree of Life as prefiguration of the Cross of Christ

root and has blossomed through His life-giving blood ”

is mentioned in the Christian Syriac Meʿārath gazzē (Cave of

Aucher, J B , Domini Johannis Ozniensis Philosophi Armeno-

Treasures, tr and ed Budge, 1927, p 34)

rum Catholici Opera, Venice, 1834, pp 290–2, as cited in

194 Cf Teaching of St. Gregory, tr and ed Thomson, 1970,

Der Nersessian, 1965, p 42 and n 96

pp 159–62, and chs 641–54

dragons and the powers of the earth

69

analogy to the dragon’s inherently close relation

The long-eared dragon heads are also a

with vegetation and the associated beneficial qual-

common feature on contemporaneously dated

ities of fertility/fecundity This in addition to the

press-moulds, most of which have a Khurasani

shared special apotropaic functions naturally

provenance Ralph Pinder-Wilson hence identifies

accords the dragon the preeminent position of a

these scrolls as having their origin in Khurasan,

vehicle that issues, thus perhaps wittingly emits

first occurring on marble reliefs, attributed to

or, by extension, one may hypothesise, delivers,

one of the Ghaznawid palaces (perhaps of Masʿūd

and henceforth protects the “living” cross

III (r 492/1099–508/1115) or Bahrām Shāh (r

***

511/1117–552/1153) or of a later date) excavated

yet another manifestation of symmetrical dragon

at Ghazna by the Italian Archaeological Mission

heads is found in an embroidery on cotton ground

to Afghanistan 198 Spiral ing tendrils transforming

from the greater Khurasan region, now in a pri-

into dragon- and other mythical heads are figured

vate collection Here the motif is takes the form

on a mould which bears a dedicatory inscription

of addorsed symmetrically arranged monster

to a Ghurid general and governor of Herat, ʿIzz

heads with tall floppy ears springing from a cen-

al-Dīn Ḥusayn ibn Kharmil (d 607/1210–1) 199

tral vegetal composition, probably representing a

Openwork gilded silver plaques found in the

conventionalised tree motif visualised as stylised

valley of Kotchkar in the Semirechye, now in

plant The necks of the creatures extend into the

the State Hermitage in St Petersburg, are fur-

“branches of the tree” in such as way that the

ther examples of vegetal scrolls inhabited with

bodies are fused with the scrolls The textile has

the monster and animal heads, among which the

been radiocarbon dated to the thirteenth or four-

dragon is prominently represented 200 Rinceaux

teenth century (fig 52) In his ground-breaking

with such heads also form the all-over decoration

article on “pseudo-planetary nodes” in Islamic

on the doublures of a Qurʾān from Anatolia or the

art, written in 1938, Hartner has identified these

Jazīra, datable to the mid-thirteenth or fourteenth

monster heads with long ears growing from scrol -

century 201 This ornamenting of the doublures

ing tendrils as “the dragon progeny threatening

of the sacred book of Islam with vegetal scrolls

the luminaries or, vicariously, their domicilia and

from which spring mythical and naturalistically

exaltations ”195 However, he qualifies the astro-

rendered zoomorphic heads offers an interest-

logical interpretation by suggesting that “in all

ing parallel to the practice, evidenced in Ilkha-

probability, various elements – astronomical,

nid Anatolia, of decorating the façades of sacred

astrological and mythological – were here fused in

architecture, such as mosques and madrasa s, with

one ”196 The iconography of the “inhabited scroll”

such “inhabited scrolls ” A more detailed discus-

which includes not only dragon heads, but other

sion of this can be found below in the Epilogue

animal as well as human heads is ubiquitously

The wide distribution of the motif is, more-

applied specifically on late eleventh- to early thir-

over, attested by its representation throughout

teenth-century works of art, in particular metal-

the Caucasus region, such as on an archivolt frag-

work, from Western Central Asia, especially the

ment from Daghistan in the eastern Caucasus

greater Khurasan region 197

It is carved with a vivid depiction of a mighty

winged dragon pursuing a slender cervid, the

195 Hartner, 1959, pp 237–9, and idem, 1973–4, p 112,

one of the panels includes a winged and horned quadruped

118 An anachronical but perhaps not completely irrelevant

with a long gaping snout which may be recognised as a

depiction exists on a late Parthian-period stucco capital (the

quadruped dragon (Bombaci and Scerrato, 1959, fig 12;

imagery is 24 cm square) from Qalʿa-i yazdigird On the

Baer, 1965, fig 83) The fabulous creature is rendered just

capital a pair of interlaced dragons with slender snouts and

below a similar such quadruped which however is distin-

long floppy ears, for which there appear to be no prototypes,

guished by a bird’s beak and small pointed ears and thus

is shown Keall, 1967, p 115, fig 6

clearly typifies as a griffin

196 Hartner, 1973–4, pp 112–3

199 Pinder-Wilson, 1997, pp 346–7, cat no 215

197 Cf Melikian-Chirvani, 1982, p 145, fig 51; Pinder-

200 See Strzygowski, 1916, p 214, fig 180 (outer verti-

Wilson, 1997, p 343

cally-oriented plaques)

198 Bombaci and Scerrato, 1959, pp 13–5 and figs 11,

201 Doublures of two sections of a 30-part Qurʾān

12; Baer, 1965, pp 15, 66, pl XLVII, figs 82, 83 Although

from Anatolia or the Jazīra, dated to the mid-thirteenth

on the two surviving marble panels no creatures that can

or fourteenth century The Nasser D Khalili Collection

be identified as dragons inhabit the scrolls, it is noteworthy

of Islamic Art, London, inv nos QUR433 and QUR132

that the hexagonal interlace enclosed within the border of

Pinder-Wilson, 1997, p 342, fig 11

70