GENERAL VIEWS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COLONIES—PENAL COLONIES—VIEWS OF THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES IN REFERENCE TO AFRICAN COLONIES—STATE OF SLAVERY AT THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR—NEGROES WHO JOINED THE ENGLISH—DISPOSAL OF THEM BY GREAT BRITAIN—EARLY MOVEMENTS WITH RESPECT TO AFRICAN COLONIES—PLAN MATURED BY DR. FINLEY—FORMATION OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
The views of men in founding colonies, have varied in different ages of the world. Although, however, some special inducement may have been pre-eminent at different times, yet a multiplicity of motives have generally combined in leading to such undertakings. Hannibal found the municipal cities, or Roman colonies of Italy, the obstacles to his conquest of the republic. It was with provident anticipation of such an effect that they were founded. Lima in Peru, and other places in Brazil and elsewhere, had their origin in similar aims. Differences in political views have led to the foundation of many colonies; and, superadded to these, religious considerations have had their influence in the settlement of some of the early North American colonies.
In the small republics of Greece, the seditious, or the criminal—sometimes whole classes of men, whose residence was unsuitable to the general interests—were cast adrift to go where they chose, probably making a general jail delivery for the time being.
Modern efforts of the kind are, upon the whole, more systematic. A colony sent for settlement or for subsistence, is purely so. A military colony is purely military, or, more generally, is nothing else than a garrison. A colony of criminals is restricted to the criminals. In this case a new element characterizes the modern system, for the object is not merely to remove the criminal, but to reform him. England has done much in this way. It is a great result, that in Australia there are now powerful communities, rich with the highest elements of civilization; constituted to a great extent of those who otherwise, as the children of criminals, would have been born to wretchedness and depravity, to cells and stripes and brandings and gibbets, as their inheritance.
But such experiments are not capable of indefinite repetition; space is wanting for them in the world. Nations are now called by the imperious force of circumstances, or more properly speaking, by the decree of Providence, to the nobler task of preventing rather than punishing; of raising society from the pollution of vice rather than curing or expelling it. This higher effort, which is natural to the spirit of Christianity, should have accompanied it everywhere. A nation is responsible for its inhabitants, and ought to master whatever tends to crime among them. Those whom it sends abroad should be its citizens, not its reprobates. It owes to the world, that the average amount of virtue in it accompany its transferred communities, so that the world does not suffer by the transference. This must be the case when a race unsuitably placed is, on account of that unsuitableness only, transported to a location more suitable.
A case which is exceptional in regard to common instances, will be when the higher and better motives to colonization take precedence of all others. Such an instance is that of returning the negro race to their own land. It is exceptional in this respect, that the transfer of that race to its more suitable locality is mainly an effort of philanthropic benevolence. Its motives, however, excel in degree, not in kind. The same inducements which at all times influenced colonizing measures, have had their place, with more or less force, in these schemes. In deriving support for them it has been necessary to appeal to every motive, and seek assistance by every inducement.
The increase of national prosperity, the promotion of national commerce, the relief of national difficulties, the preservation of national quiet, have all been urged on the different orders of men appealed to. It has been shown how all these circumstances would influence individual interests, while the higher Christian and philanthropic aims to be fulfilled by these efforts have not been overlooked. All this is perfectly right; and if right in us, it is also right in others. It would have been satisfactory if in the two parties, America and England, in respect to their measures towards African establishments, there had been more nobleness in their discussions, less national jealousies in all parties, less of sneering censure of national ambition, selfishness or grasping policy, while both parties were in fact making appeals to the very same principles in human nature, which foster national ambition, or selfishness, or grasping policy.
Although African colonization originated with, and has been sustained wholly by individuals, in the United States, England has regarded it in the same light with which this country has looked upon her acquisition of foreign territory.
There is, however, a high superiority in these schemes of African colonization, although it be but in degree. The best and holiest principles were put prominently forward, and men of corresponding character called forth to direct them. They sought sympathy and aid from the English African Association, and from the Bible and Missionary Societies of this land. They were truly efforts of Christianity, throwing its solid intelligence and earnest affections into action for the conquest of a continent, by returning the Africans to their home, and making this conquest a work of faith and labor of love.
The slavery imported and grafted on this country by foreign political supremacy, when the country was helpless, has been subjected to a trial never undergone by such an institution in any other part of the world. An enemy held dominion where slavery existed, and while the masters were called upon to fight for their own political independence, there was opportunity for the slave to revolt or escape if such had been his wish. Those who are not acquainted with the ties uniting the slave to his master’s household, and the interest he feels in his master’s welfare, would expect that when a hostile army was present to rescue and to defend them, the whole slave population would rise with eager fury to avenge their subjection, or with eager hope to escape from it. But the historical truth is, that very few indeed of the colored men of the United States, whether slaves or free, joined the English or Tory party in the Revolutionary War. Thus the character impressed on the institution frustrated the recorded expectation of those who forced this evil upon a reluctant people—that the position and the influence of the negro in society would forever check republican spirit and keep the country in dependence.
The small number of colored persons who did join the English produced no slight difficulty. That small number ought perhaps to have been easily amalgamated somehow or other with the vast amount of the English population. That this did not happen, and did not seem possible, is perfectly evident. Either color, or character, or position, or something else, which it is for the English people to explain, prevented this. Many of them were found in the lanes and dens of vice in London, without the prospect of their ever amalgamating with the Londoners, and therefore only combining incumbrance, nuisance, and danger by their presence there.
This condition of things, as is well known, excited the attention and sympathy of Granville Sharpe, and led to the foundation of the colony of Sierra Leone, as a refuge for them.
Great Britain found herself hampered on a subsequent occasion with the charge of a few hundreds of the Maroons, or independent free negroes of Jamaica. It was known that it would not answer to intermingle them with the slave population of that island. The public good was found imperiously to require that they should be removed elsewhere. They afterwards constituted the most trustworthy portion of the population of Sierra Leone.
Similar difficulties have pressed with a manifold weight on society in this country. Jefferson, with other distinguished statesmen, endeavored to remedy them. Marshall, Clay, Randolph, and others shared in his anxieties. A suitable location was sought after for the settlement of the free negroes in the lands of the West. The Portuguese government was afterwards sounded for the acquisition of some place in South America. But these schemes were comparatively valueless, for they wanted the main requisite,—that Africa itself should share in the undertaking.
When Christian benevolence looked abroad upon the face of the world to examine its condition and its wants, Africa was seen, dark, gloomy, and vast and hopeless, with Egyptian darkness upon it,—“darkness that might be felt,”—while Europe guarded and fought for it as a human cattle-fold, to be plundered with an extent and atrocity of rapine such as the world elsewhere had never beheld. Africa, therefore, became the object of deep interest to the Christian philanthropy of this country, and all things concurred to bring out some great enterprise for its benefit and that of the African race in America.
In 1773 slavery was not only common in New England, but the slave-trade was extensively carried on in Rhode Island and other northern states. Dr. Hopkins became convinced of the injustice of the traffic, and in conjunction with Dr. Stiles, afterwards President of Yale College, made an appeal to the public in behalf of some colored men whom he was preparing for an African mission. These men were nearly qualified for proceeding to Africa when the Revolutionary War frustrated the scheme, which, in its character, was rather missionary than colonial.
Paul Cuffy, a colored man born in New Bedford, Massachusetts, who had risen to the possession of considerable wealth, and commanded a vessel of his own, induced about forty colored people to embark in his vessel for Sierra Leone, where they had every facility for a settlement afforded them.
Dr. Thornton, of Washington, in 1783, suggested the practical course of establishing a colony in Africa, and obtained in some of the New England States the consent of a number of colored persons to accompany him to that coast. This project failed for want of funds. No better success attended an application of Mr. Jefferson, as secretary of state, directed to the Sierra Leone company.
The State of Virginia, in legislative session, 1800-1805, and 1816, discussed the subject of colonization, and contributed greatly to prepare the public mind for subsequent action on the subject.
The Rev. Dr. Finley, of New Jersey, matured a plan for the purpose, and proceeded to Washington, where, after consultation with a few friends, a meeting was called on the 25th of December, 1816. Henry Clay presided; Andrew Jackson, William H. Crawford, Dr. Finley, and others, were elected vice-presidents. The American Colonization Society was formed with the resolution to be free, and Christian, and national.
There was peace in the world. Society was awakening to a remorseful consideration of the iniquities which had been practised on the African race in their own land, and of the condition of its population in this. The gradual emancipation of slaves, as favored by Jefferson and others in the early days of the republic, was discussed. But the objects sought in the formation of the Colonization Society, were the removal and benefit of the free colored population, together with such slaves as might have freedom extended to them with the view of settlement in Africa. And thus the work of forming an African nation in Africa, with republican feelings, impressions and privileges, and with Christian truth and Christian civilization, was commenced.