INDEPENDENCE OF LIBERIA PROCLAIMED AND ACKNOWLEDGED BY GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, BELGIUM, PRUSSIA AND BRAZIL—TREATIES WITH ENGLAND AND FRANCE—EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW CESTERS—U. S. SLOOP-OF-WAR “YORKTOWN”—ENGLISH AND FRENCH CRUISERS—DISTURBANCES AMONG THE NATIVE CHIEFS—FINANCIAL TROUBLES—RECURRING DIFFICULTY WITH ENGLISH TRADERS—BOOMBO, WILL BUCKLE, GRANDO, KING BOYER.
For the main evils with which Liberia was oppressed, independence was the only remedy. We have seen the nature and extent of these evils, in her equivocal position in the view of several European powers, and especially in that of the English nation. The measures necessary to carry out this great purpose were received with universal sympathy.
Individuals from all sections of our own country, bearing on them the imperial character of their nation, had transmitted it by the dark-skinned race, to vivify with liberty and self-government, the great slave-land of the world. This was perhaps an honor higher than they aimed at. The few judicious leading men of Liberia saw the necessity of making the experiment. The outlines of a constitution, as far as that already existing needed modification, were borrowed from that of the United States. A declaration of independence was drawn up and proclaimed; and on the 24th day of August, 1847, the flag of the Republic of Liberia was displayed.
Roberts, whose state of pupilage had been passed under the master mind of Buchanan, was, as might be expected, elected President of the Republic. England, France, Prussia, Belgium and Brazil have successively acknowledged the independence of Liberia. A liberal treaty of amity and commerce, based upon the equality of rights of the two nations, was entered into between England and Liberia. The ministry were probably led to the conclusion by the president’s visit, that trade, regulated by the laws of a compact nation, was likely to become far more advantageous than the bribing, cheating and plundering that had occurred, with kings and half kings, and some European subjects; and had in view the increased power of the government for the suppression of the slave-trade.
The president arrived in Liberia on the 1st of February, 1849, in her majesty’s steam frigate Amazon, and was saluted by her with 21 guns on landing. Other appropriate ceremonies were observed; soon after this, England presented the republic with a man-of-war schooner, with armament and stores complete.
France entered afterwards into a commercial treaty with Liberia, and furnished a large quantity of arms. Subsequent assurances from the European powers, indicate their interest in the prosperity of the African republic.
On the 22d of February, 1849, the French flag steam frigate Penelope, accompanied by another cruiser, arrived at Monrovia. On the following day, the commander, with the officers and two hundred men, landed for the purpose of saluting the flag of the republic. They were received by three uniform companies of Monrovia, in front of Colonel Yates’s residence; where three field-pieces from the French frigate had been placed. The procession was then formed and moved up Broad-street to the president’s house, where the flag-staff, bearing the Liberian colors, was standing. A salute of twenty-one guns was fired from the field-pieces, which was repeated by the French cruisers, and returned by the Liberian guns. Refreshments were provided for the men, and the officers dined with the president.
In the month of March following, several English and French cruisers placed themselves at the disposal of President Roberts, for an expedition against the slavers who had established themselves at New Cesters. Arrangements had previously been made with some of the chiefs in that quarter, for the surrender of their lands and for the incorporation of their people, on the usual terms, with the Liberian republic. But a portion of the chiefs and people had been allured to the support of the slavers, and force was required to dislodge them.
Roberts embarked four hundred men in the cruisers, and, accompanied by the U. S. sloop-of-war “Yorktown,” proceeded to the scene of action. Here were foreign cruisers, transporting the troops of an African republic to make a descent upon a European slave establishment; such establishments as Europe had for centuries sustained on the African coast. A novel sight, certainly, to the leader of the enemy, who was a Spaniard!
The landing was covered by the cruisers, and a well-directed shell from the French steamer, bursting over the heads of the natives, cleared the way for the troops to form and march upon the barracoon, with now and then a harmless shot from the jungle. Foreseeing the result of a conflict, the Spaniard fired his buildings, mounted his horse, sought safety in flight, and his rabble dispersed. The establishment was strengthened by a thick clay-wall, capable of offering a respectable resistance. Thirty slaves were liberated. The fort was destroyed. New Cesters was annexed, and the troops returned to Monrovia.
An infectious impulse to disturbance, seems to have come from a fruitful source in the northern interior. For about thirty years, a war had been prevailing between revolted slaves and the chiefs, along the Gallinas River. These lingering hostilities afforded facilities for securing a good supply of slaves for exportation, which was probably the cause why the slave-trade held on so pertinaciously at the mouth of this river. Treachery, for a time, enforced quiet. The chiefs of the oppressors inveigled the leaders of the insurgents to a conference, and massacred them. Manna, who seems to have had a long familiarity with crime, directed this exploit.
President Roberts, when in England (1848), dining on one occasion with the Prussian Ambassador, the subject of purchasing the Gallinas territory was discussed. Lord Ashley and Mr. Gurney being present, pledged one thousand pounds, half the amount required to secure the territory. Benevolent individuals in the United States, also contributed for the same purpose. Possession was afterwards obtained of the Gallinas for the sum of nine thousand dollars. The price demanded was large, as the chiefs were aware that annexation to Liberia would forever cut off the lucrative slave-trade. Commissioners were appointed to settle the difficulties in the interior, open the trade in camwood, palm-oil and ivory, and furnish the people with the means of instruction in the art of agriculture. It is, however, doubtful whether the influence of the republic is sufficient to control the wars which have been so long raging in the interior. By the annexation of this territory, and in May, 1852, of the Cassa territory, Liberia practically extends its dominion, exterminating the slave-trade from Cape Lahou, eastward of Cape Palmas, to Sierra Leone, a distance of about six hundred miles of sea-coast.
The financial burdens of the government were a matter of no little anxiety. The money for the purchase of the Gallinas had been munificently contributed by Mr. Gurney and other individuals from abroad, but still there was that “national blessing—a national debt.” The expedition against New Cesters was, doubtless, a great event in the history of Liberia. There was glory, which is not without its practical use; and there was gratification in the honor of having been aided, or accompanied in such an effort, by the naval forces of great nations. But glory and gratification have their disadvantages also. Very keenly did the leading men of Liberia look to the fact that there were heavy bills to be paid. The payment of a few thousand dollars was a serious affair. They wisely concluded, however, that they were following the ways of Providence in incorporating New Cesters and the Gallinas into their family. And the results have justified their proceedings.
On the 15th of February, 1850, the Secretary of State, in compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the United States, transmitted a report of the Rev. R. R. Gurley, who had a short time previously been sent out by the government to obtain information in respect to Liberia. This report contains a full account of the people, the government and the territory.
The long-standing difficulty with the British traders was brought to a crisis, by a prosecution in the Liberian courts. An appeal was made to the British commodore. Mr. Hansen, the British consul, a native African, who had been liberally educated in the United States, warmly espoused the cause of the traders. These circumstances induced the president, in May, 1852, to revisit England, where matters were satisfactorily arranged. He extended his visit to France, and was there received with attentions due to his station.
The elements of society in Liberia were not all elements of peace. Native tribes, long hostile, had submitted to union. They had promised to be very friendly, and met very lovingly together, which they no doubt considered very strange, and perhaps, for a time, found very pleasant. We should have been inclined to think this very strange, if it had continued. When old nature, old habits and old enmities recovered their strength, it required a firm hand, and one pretty well armed, too, to keep order among them. Nor did the means available always attain this end. Dissension could not be overcome without force and punishment.
In 1850, the Veys, Deys, and Golahs had roused up their perennial quarrel about their rights and territories. A portion of them were wise enough to apply to the government to appoint a commission to settle the difficulties among them. Others took the larger liberty of attempting to settle matters in their own way. The excitement prevailed during the president’s absence. In March, 1853, he proceeded, with two hundred troops, to the northward of Little Cape Mount, and, after a suitable demonstration, brought the chief offender, having the appropriate name of Boombo, to await trial at Monrovia; he was convicted, fined and sentenced to imprisonment for two years.
In November, 1850, the people of Timbo brought in a complaint against “Will Buckle,” who was at the head of a gang of rogues, murdering and robbing with impunity. They asked the protection of the government, and to be received within its jurisdiction, and that Will Buckle might feel the strong arm of the law.
But an outbreak at Bassa Cove, under a chief named Grando, threatened to be the grand affair of the time. He was a shrewd, cunning subject. The president gave him a lecture. To all of it “he listened attentively, and with seeming penitence readily admitted the error of his course and the wrongs he had been guilty of, and promised never again,” &c., &c. The president, however, found, as is usual in such cases, that Grando was much the same after the lecture as before. “I had scarcely left the country,” says the president, “before his evil genius got the better of him.” And the fact turned out to be, that his “evil genius” very nearly got the better of everybody else.
He established himself, with his people, beside a new settlement near Bassa Cove. This was exposing his penitence to too strong a temptation. He cultivated the most friendly terms with the settlers; and when he had sufficiently disarmed suspicion, he rose upon the settlement, on the 15th of November, 1851, murdered nine of the inhabitants, carried off what he could get, and took to the “bush.”
Grando had taken measures to excite a considerable insurrection of confederated tribes in that region, and returned to the attack with rather a serious force, estimated at one thousand men. The assailants fought with unreflecting fierceness, as the negro does when excited, paying no attention to the artillery which opened upon them. But they made no impression on the place. Roberts proceeded to Bassa Cove in the U. S. sloop-of-war “Dale,” accompanied by a reinforcement in the Liberian schooner “Lark,” and prevented a third attack.
In March, 1852, Grando and his confederate, Boyer, were again arranging combinations among the tribes in the “bush.” The “evil genius” complained of had contrived to bring the traders again on the stage, with their perplexing complaints about imposts and monopolies. One of these traders seems to have been instigating the disturbance.
These circumstances brought on the most extensive and most trying military campaign in which the Liberian forces have yet been engaged. It was estimated that the confederates had in the field about five thousand men. They were well supplied with ammunition, and had some artillery, and were employing their time in constructing formidable defences. To meet them, Roberts had about five hundred colonists, and the same number of natives. With these, on the 6th of January, 1852, he marched upon the enemy. A breastwork, terminating the passage through a swamp, was occupied by three times the number of its assailants. After an action of an hour and a half, this position was forced, and the enemy driven through a piece of difficult forest ground. After some resistance here, they were dislodged and chased to Grando’s palisaded town. This they set on fire, and then retreated to Boyer, occupying the left bank of the New Cess river, to dispute the passage.
From this position Boyer was dislodged by the hostility of the chiefs around him, who did not join in the revolt. He retreated within the barricades of his own town. Here he had some artillery. On the 15th, Roberts came with his whole force upon this place. A fierce fight of nearly two hours took place, which resulted in the capture of the town. The loss of the enemy was considerable. The Liberians had six killed and twenty-five wounded.
Grando’s allies soon discovered that they were in the wrong. Boyer fell into the same train of repentance. Grando’s authority altogether expired in 1853. His own people held a council, whether they should not deliver him up to the president. This was opposed by the old men as contrary to custom. They made him prisoner, however. Boyer would, by no persuasion, be induced to put himself within the grasp of the president. He was also playing his tricks upon other people. Having in July, 1853, induced a Spanish slaver to advance him a considerable sum in doubloons, and a quantity of goods, he suddenly became strongly anti-slavery in his views, and sent a request to the president, and to the British steam cruiser “Pluto,” to look out for the slaver, which vessel had cleared for the Gallinas, grounded in the river, and was afterwards destroyed.
Boyer himself and another worthy by the name of Cain, who joined Grando in these disturbances, keep the Liberians on the alert, but seem gradually spreading a net for themselves, and it is to be anticipated that ere long they may be found as companions with Boombo in his captivity.