Outline of US History by U.S. Department of State - HTML preview

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CHAPTER 6: SECTIONAL CONFLICT

late 1850s that a continuous line ran 1 .5 million white families . Fifty per-through the mountains connecting cent of these slave owners owned no

the lower Mississippi River area with more than five slaves . Twelve percent

the southern Atlantic seaboard .

owned 20 or more slaves, the num-

ber defined as turning a farmer into

SLAVERY AND SECTIONALISM

a planter . Three-quarters of South-

O

ern white families, including the

ne overriding issue exacerbat- “poor whites,” those on the lowest

ed the regional and economic dif- rung of Southern society, owned no

ferences between North and South: slaves .

slavery . Resenting the large profits

It is easy to understand the in-

amassed by Northern businessmen terest of the planters in slave hold-

from marketing the cotton crop, ing . But the yeomen and poor whites

many Southerners attributed the supported the institution of slavery

backwardness of their own section as well . They feared that, if freed,

to Northern aggrandizement . Many blacks would compete with them

Northerners, on the other hand, de- economically and challenge their

clared that slavery — the “peculiar higher social status . Southern whites

institution” that the South regarded defended slavery not simply on the

as essential to its economy — was basis of economic necessity but out

largely responsible for the region’s of a visceral dedication to white

relative financial and industrial supremacy .

backwardness .

As they fought the weight of

As far back as the Missouri Northern opinion, political lead-

Compromise in 1819, sectional lines ers of the South, the professional

had been steadily hardening on the classes, and most of the clergy now

slavery question . In the North, sen- no longer apologized for slavery but

timent for outright abolition grew championed it . Southern publicists

increasingly powerful . Southern- insisted, for example, that the rela-

ers in general felt little guilt about tionship between capital and labor

slavery and defended it vehemently . was more humane under the slavery

In some seaboard areas, slavery by system than under the wage system

1850 was well over 200 years old; of the North .

it was an integral part of the basic

Before 1830 the old patriarchal

economy of the region .

system of plantation government,

Although the 1860 census showed with its personal supervision of the

that there were nearly four million slaves by their owners or masters,

slaves out of a total population of was still characteristic . Gradually,

12 .3 million in the 15 slave states, however, with the introduction of

only a minority of Southern whites large-scale cotton production in

owned slaves . There were some the lower South, the master gradu-

385,000 slave owners out of about ally ceased to exercise close personal

132

OUTLINE OF U.S. HISTORY

supervision over his slaves, and 1808 when Congress abolished the

employed professional overseers slave trade with Africa . Thereafter,

charged with exacting from slaves opposition came largely from the

a maximum amount of work . In Quakers, who kept up a mild but

such circumstances, slavery could ineffectual protest . Meanwhile, the

become a system of brutality and cotton gin and westward expansion

coercion in which beatings and the into the Mississippi delta region cre-

breakup of families through the sale ated an increasing demand for slaves .

of individuals were commonplace .

The abolitionist movement that

In other settings, however, it could emerged in the early 1830s was

be much milder .

combative, uncompromising, and

In the end, however, the most insistent upon an immediate end to

trenchant criticism of slavery was slavery . This approach found a leader

not the behavior of individual mas- in William Lloyd Garrison, a young

ters and overseers . Systematically man from Massachusetts, who com-

treating African-American laborers bined the heroism of a martyr with

as if they were domestic animals, the crusading zeal of a demagogue .

slavery, the abolitionists pointed out, On January 1, 1831, Garrison pro-

violated every human being’s in- duced the first issue of his newspa-

alienable right to be free .

per, The Liberator, which bore the

announcement: “I shall strenuously

THE ABOLITIONISTS

contend for the immediate enfran-

I

chisement of our slave population .

n national politics, Southerners . . On this subject, I do not wish to

chiefly sought protection and en- think, or speak, or write, with mod-

largement of the interests represent- eration . . . I am in earnest — I will ed by the cotton/slavery system . They not equivocate — I will not excuse

sought territorial expansion because — I will not retreat a single inch —

the wastefulness of cultivating a sin- AND I WILL BE HEARD .”

gle crop, cotton, rapidly exhausted

Garrison’s sensational methods

the soil, increasing the need for new awakened Northerners to the evil

fertile lands . Moreover, new territory in an institution many had long

would establish a basis for additional come to regard as unchangeable .

slave states to offset the admission of He sought to hold up to public gaze

new free states . Antislavery North- the most repulsive aspects of slav-

erners saw in the Southern view a ery and to castigate slave holders as

conspiracy for proslavery aggran- torturers and traffickers in human

dizement . In the 1830s their opposi- life . He recognized no rights of the

tion became fierce .

masters, acknowledged no compro-

An earlier antislavery movement, mise, tolerated no delay . Other aboli-

an offshoot of the American Revo- tionists, unwilling to subscribe to his

lution, had won its last victory in law-defying tactics, held that reform

133