The following letters are selected and subjoined as specimens of the secret correspondence of this period.
[CONFIDENTIAL.]
Salem, Dec. 7th, 1838.
REV. S. J. MAY.
Dear Brother,—I presume you have been consulted on the subject named below; but my anxiety on the topic, leads me to write you. We found, some time ago, that the admission of other subjects into the Liberator had entirely destroyed its circulation, in many parts of this County, and others were gradually dropping it, while a large proportion of our most efficient abolitionists were uneasy, and took it only because they must have the local Anti-Slavery news of this State. As a paper more generally circulated and exerting a better influence was felt to be necessary, to advance the cause in this County, we attempted to start a local Anti-Slavery paper here. But some were afraid—a few loudly opposed; and the great expense, (far exceeding our first estimates,) finally deterred us from the undertaking. Still the conviction of the necessity of a paper, devoted to Anti-Slavery alone, which might circulate without objection, among all classes of our friends, has daily gathered strength—and many who opposed our project then, alarmed at the demoralizing doctrines now promulgated in the Liberator, say we must have a paper, at all events. I have no desire to injure Mr. Garrison. His services in the cause entitle him to something more than gratitude. But the Liberator will, of course, remain under his control, and will continue, no doubt, to pursue the same course it has for a year past; and it cannot, therefore, continue to be the Anti-Slavery paper of the State, without a virtual endorsement of its doctrines. Nor will it have a free circulation among the large portion, the immense majority, of the Anti-Slavery community, who dissent from its new views. Now the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society is a pretty considerably large and somewhat important body—and why should it not have an official organ, of communication with the public, to be devoted to Anti-Slavery alone? I am not particular about the editor. If Mr. Garrison would edit such a paper, and devote his whole time and strength to it, instead of leaving it to printers’ boys and every body, as he has the Liberator for two years past, I should be perfectly pleased to have him editor, though of course he would not consent. Quite a large number of our old and steadfast friends, who have been consulted, are favorable to the thing. It will be brought forward by me, at the Annual Meeting, if it is found that our discreet friends generally approve of it. Please communicate your views to me freely and confidentially (if you wish.) I have no time this morning to say a word on other topics.
With respect and affection,
CHARLES T. TORREY.
Salem, Dec. 19th, 1838.
DEAR BROTHER MAY,—
I dont know but my mentioning the objections some felt to the Liberator, led you to think of the project of a new paper, as a sort of opposition line to the Liberator. But this is far from my idea of the matter. True, the character and contents of that paper exclude it from circulation in this county so extensively, that it does not answer the purpose of advertising our County Meetings even. Nor will its circulation increase. In some of the strongest Anti-Slavery towns, where most is done for the cause, scarcely a single copy is taken, or can be got in. So it is all over the State. I suppose not more than half the circulation of the Liberator, (probably not one third,) is in Massachusetts. Nor will this state of things, in that respect, be materially changed at present, in my judgment. I think it certain that papers from New York or elsewhere, cannot do for our State to act efficiently. And that there are thousands of abolitionists, and others who need, and would take a paper, wholly devoted to Anti-Slavery and published at Boston, admits not of a question. It would have five hundred to one thousand subscribers in this County, at once. Now, I think the good of our cause demands of us, that such a paper be started, and a small monthly, like “Human Rights,” besides. And if it is done as our official State paper, there can be no ground for considering it as in opposition to the Liberator. Whereas, if individuals start a paper, the case will be just the reverse. It will then be a rival to the Liberator, and will materially injure its circulation. Now, a State official, confined to Anti-Slavery exclusively, will not cross the track of the Liberator scarcely at all. I have, so far, heard of not a syllable of disapproval but from yourself, from any part of the State. I do still hope, on reflection, you will think differently of the thing. There can be no evil, or warfare, it seems to me, unless those who like the Liberator insist that it shall be, virtually, the State Paper, while not so in form, and choose to claim the whole of the vast unoccupied field, in this State, as its own. But if they resist and successfully, the measure proposed, then all peace or compromise will indeed end. A new paper will, no doubt, be started, as an individual enterprize, and it will not spare the peculiarities of opinion, etc. manifested in the Liberator. It is true, it is open to controversy on peace, etc. But, on that very account, it has no claims to be the Anti-Slavery paper of Massachusetts, and to circulate as such, among those who reluctantly take it for its local news, while they cannot endure its sectarianism.
Now, my dear Brother, I have written very plainly what I think. Do consider the matter again and maturely. Our cause must be prosecuted at all hazards and sacrifices, but that of principle, and I do think duty to our cause requires a new paper wholly anti-slavery. If those who like the Liberator cannot then sustain it, what will it prove, but the absolute need of a new paper?
Yours, as ever, for the slave, and
with much affection,
CHARLES T. TORREY.
Salem, Jan. 7th, 1839.
Dear Sir,—I write to urge the importance of a full representation of your society at the Annual Meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, on the 23d and 24th of this month. Measures of very great importance to the progress of the cause throughout the State will be brought forward, particularly the establishment of a new paper, of high character, to be devoted to Anti-Slavery only; and to be under the official control of the State Society; one which will urge political action as a Christian duty, in accordance with our original principles of association. Other things of equal moment to the onward progress of our cause, will be presented—probably on the first day of the meeting; other and obvious considerations will show the great importance of having a full representation, from two to twenty from every Society. Let every one who can attend, do so. Let none be chosen who will not attend. Select the most judicious and tried friends of the cause, and let them be there at the opening of the meeting, at ten o’clock oh the 23d, and be prepared to stay two days.
If your Society meets to choose delegates, let there be an expression of opinion about the new paper, (to be purely Anti-Slavery, and nothing else; to oppose nothing but slaveholding and doughface-ism) and let the vote be embodied in the instructions of the delegates.
Please to see the officers of your Society, and have your delegation promptly appointed.
Yours, for the slave,
CHARLES T. TORREY.
Rec. Sec. Essex Co. A. S. Society.
Boston, April 2d, 1838.
Dear Brother,—I understand that —— has left, or is about leaving you, and that you are on the lookout for a successor. Permit me to recommend to you, ——.
And now a word in respect to abolition. You are aware of the collision between the State and National Societies—have seen, I suppose, the statement of the case in the “Christian Journal, Extra”—and know that your County Board have taken supervision of the field within your County, and invited in the agents of the American Society, thus virtually taking sides with that Society. Well, your County Society is to meet soon in New Bedford, at which time and place, I have no doubt an effort will be made to undo what the County Board have done, and to pass resolutions sustaining the State, and condemnatory of the County and Parent Boards; and what with the Quakers and colored people in New Bedford, it will not be strange if the attempt succeeds.
What your views on the matter in dispute are, I know not, nor is it of any importance for me to know, so far as it concerns what I wish now to say to you. I will only say, then, as I cannot go now into the matter in detail, that I regard the Parent Committee in the right. They ought to be sustained. Nor do I believe that the State Board would ever have sent out their protest but for certain “ulterior measures” which they wished to accomplish thereby—one of these is to crush the Massachusetts Abolitionist, by shutting out of the State, the Agents of the Parent Society who are generally favorable to it, and where they can do it, without interfering with the duties of their agency, are in the habit of getting subscribers for it—another is to make the Society Anti-Orthodox in its influence—and another, by having the entire control of the cause in the State, to take advantage of it for the promulgation of non-resistance, no-government, &c. &c. I can give you facts when I see you that will bear me out in all these positions. The truth is, Garrison and the Board are themselves guilty of the very things they are charging on others. They are just in the attitude of the man who cries “Stop thief,” that he, under cover of that cry, may make off with the stolen goods. I hope to see you and converse with you at length on these subjects by and by. Meanwhile, if you agree with me that the Parent Committee ought to be sustained, I hope you will see that the meeting at New Bedford is not a packed one, but that those who think with us, as well as others, are on the ground prepared to hear the case, and take proper action thereon, should it come up. Remember me affectionately to your family.
Yours truly, A. A. PHELPS.
P. S. Brother —— is a good abolitionist—but wise and prudent at the same time that he is firm and decided on the subject. Of course he would not make a hobby of it.
Such efforts and accusations as the above letter Mr. Phelps did not hesitate privately to put forth against his brethren of the Board, though he never intimated to them, personally, that any such imaginations darkened his mind. And even on resigning his seat with them, one month after the date of this letter, he did not intend that his reasons for doing so should be made public. His own testimony, respecting similar allegations presented as reasons for the formation of a new Society only a year previous, is true now. At the moment that this letter was written, the Massachusetts Society had eight Orthodox Agents in the field, and but one of another belief. True, the Society could not, without violating its principles, become an Orthodox Society exclusively; but the Society did deem it a fortunate circumstance that Orthodox pro-slavery should be met and exposed by Orthodox anti-slavery.
Who that reads Mr. Phelps’s testimony, Jan. 1838, as given below, but must deeply compassionate the struggle and concealment and weakness of soul which afterwards completely overpowered him, notwithstanding his better knowledge, and dictated his course during the remainder of that year, up to the formation of a new organization, in 1839, and until, as the climax of his course, he submitted to be examined for installation as pastor of the Free Church, by the well known pro-slavery divine, the Rev. Hubbard Winslow.
MR. PHELPS’S TESTIMONY IN 1838.
“And last, not least, there must needs be a new organization, and a withdrawal from the Massachusetts Society, because, “both the organ and management of it are under anti-orthodox influence.” True, there is not as much orthodoxy in either, as I wish there was, and as I think there ought to be; but it is not the result, so far as I have seen, of any trickery on the part of those who are not Orthodox, nor of any disposition, on their part, to make Orthodoxy or Anti-Orthodoxy a test of membership or office. And as it is, full one half the officers and managers of the Society are Orthodox men; this “Anti-Orthodox influence” has chosen and is sustaining an “Orthodox” Agent, and one that is sent for sometimes to repair the mischief done by agents of the American Society: this Society, at its public meetings, has “passed resolutions recommending that ministers and Christians, in their public meetings, should pray for the slave;” its own public meetings have been “opened with prayer;” its agent, (to say nothing of the liberty of its organ,) and its members have always had liberty to plead for the slave, in as “orthodox” language, and by as “orthodox” arguments as they pleased; and, in fine, the society has every one of those characteristics, by virtue of which, the Spectator declares the American Society to be “practically orthodox;” and yet, strange to tell, the American Society looks upon the difficulties that have sprung up here out of these things, with which itself, by its agents and otherwise, has had as much to do as any one, as a mere personal and family quarrel; and the friends of the new organization, on the other hand, cannot endure the Massachusetts Society, to be sure, but are for going into most cordial and hearty auxiliaryship to the American!
A.A. PHELPS.”