Propaganda was recognized by all the belligerent nations as a mighty weapon when effectively used. That great things could be accomplished by its use was demonstrated when a part of the Russian army surrendered to the enemy without bloodshed, when the Russian people rose up against their rulers, and when the German sailors turned against their commanders. In spite of some suggestions made to him, however, the Negro in the United States chose the better part, pledging his loyalty and support to the Government as far as necessary.
When the selective draft was voted by Congress, there arose cries against the sending of Negroes to certain sections, and petitions and delegations went to Washington to prevail with the officials. It was feared that race friction would lead to riots, and especially that there would be difficulty between the Negro soldiers and the civilian population. The Houston riot, occurring in 1917 just before Negro men were called to the camps, intensified this feeling and caused many cantonment cities to raise objections to the placing of Negro soldiers in the camps near them. In South Carolina especially there was strong protest on the part of prominent citizens, led by the Governor of the State; and even one of the Negro churches, on the arrival of Negro soldiers at Camp Jackson, discontinued evening services for fear of trouble. Yet, although it was thought that this innovation would bring disaster to the state, from the beginning there was a feeling of comradeship between the white and the Negro soldiers. In a speech before the race conference held in Columbia March 13, 1918, the Governor, who had opposed the coming of the latter, commended them in the highest manner; and the police department gave testimony to the fact that the Negro soldiers had been a credit to themselves and to the uniform they wore. At Camp Shelby, Hattiesburg, Miss., there was also opposition, but here again the conduct of the soldiers allayed all fears. At Rockford, Ill., where the police force was enlarged in anticipation of the coming of the Negro men, and where an addition was built to the jail to accommodate the expected number of offenders, the chief of police afterwards said that “The Negro soldiers made a splendid record—much better than was expected; the enlarged jail was never needed for them.”
The finest atmosphere surrounding Negro soldiers in America was found at Camp Upton, N. Y. No protest was made by New York people about training Negroes at the camp, nor was there any propaganda about race riots or other disasters; and because of this fact the relationship between the different groups was exceptionally good. The officers and also the welfare workers were, with rare exceptions, fair and considerate in their treatment. This example of real Americanism was due to the generous spirit of the New York people and to the high stand and impartial attitude taken by the late Gen. I. Franklin Bell, commander. In settling all questions of racial relationship he insisted that all men be given fair and equal treatment. Not only in this camp, but in every cantonment city, East, West, North, or South, the officials, including judges and chiefs of police, as well as citizens from all walks of life, spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of the Negro soldiers.
In France there arose two forms of subtle and dangerous propaganda with which the Negro had to contend. One was disseminated by the Germans and the other by some of his own comrades in arms. Over the lines the Germans sent their insidious matter, of which the following is a sample:
“To the Colored Soldiers of the U. S. Army,
September, 1918, Vosges Mountains.
“Hello, boys, what are you doing over there? Fighting the Germans? Why? Have they ever done you any harm? Of course, some white folks and the lying English-American papers told you that the Germans ought to be wiped out for the sake of humanity and democracy. What is democracy? Personal freedom, all citizens enjoying the same rights socially and before the law. Do you enjoy the same rights as the white people do in America, the land of freedom and democracy? Or aren’t you rather rated over there as second class citizens? Can you go to a restaurant where white people dine, can you get a seat in a theatre where white people sit, can you get a pullman seat or berth in a railroad car, or can you ride in the South in the same street car with white people? And how about the law? Is lynching and the most horrible cruelties connected therewith a lawful proceeding in a democratic country?
“Now all of this is entirely different in Germany, where they do like colored people, where they do treat them as gentlemen and not as second class citizens. They enjoy exactly the same social privileges as every white man, and quite a number of colored people have mighty fine positions in Berlin and other big German cities.
“Why, then, fight the Germans only for the benefit of the Wall Street robbers to protect the millions they have lent to the English, French, and Italians? You have been made the tool of the egotistic and rapacious rich in England and America, and there is nothing in the whole game for you but broken bones, horrible wounds, broken health or—death. No satisfaction whatever will you get out of this unjust war. You have never seen Germany; so you are fools if you allow people to teach you to hate it. Come over and see for yourself. Let those do the fighting who make profit out of this war; don’t allow them to use you as cannon food. To carry the gun in their defense is not an honor but a shame. Throw it away and come over to the German lines. You will find friends who will help you along.”
Copies of this document fell among the Negro soldiers in the front line trenches. Every effort was made to keep the men from reading it, but many secured copies nevertheless. They said to their officers who went among them to gather up the copies, “We know what they say is true, but don’t worry; we’re not going over.”
The other propaganda with which Negro officers and soldiers had to contend was inaugurated to discredit them in French opinion to the extent that they would not be accorded social recognition or accepted as equals. There was organized effort on the part of the American military authorities to influence French public opinion in this regard. In its issue for May, 1919, the Crisis published a document on “Secret information concerning black American troops,” sent out on August 7, 1918, by the French military mission stationed with the American Army. The object of this document was to give French officers commanding black American troops “an exact idea of the position occupied by Negroes in the United States.” Conclusions were reached as follows: “We must prevent the rise of any pronounced degree of intimacy between French officers and black officers”; “We must not commend too highly the black Americans”; and “Make a point of keeping the native cantonment population from ‘spoiling’ the Negroes.” This document did not represent French but American opinion, and when the French ministry heard of its distribution, copies were collected and burned.
Meanwhile individuals exerted great effort to influence the French population in the treatment of Negro soldiers. At times when Negro troops went to a city which had been occupied by white soldiers, the people stood off and were afraid, partly because they had not seen so many Negroes before, but also because of the statements that had been made. At Bourbonne-les-Bains the people were told that they must remain indoors, carry guns, and not allow Negroes in their homes. Among the statements that the French people themselves afterwards informed the Negroes were made were the following: “Negroes cannot be treated with common civility”; “They are no good”; “They are rapists”; “Americans lynch and burn Negroes to keep them in their places”; and “They are uncivilized and have tails like monkeys.” The spirit which prompted some men to make the statements given here prompted others to use their authority to carry out their ideas. There were “campaigns of ruthlessness,” and many unkind deeds occurred in the effort to perpetuate “American ideals.” Certainly two-thirds of the difficulties experienced by the colored soldiers in France were due to American resentment of the attitude of the French people in receiving them on equal terms, and especially of the kindly disposition of the French women. Much of the denial of privileges to Negro soldiers to visit parts of France was due, directly or indirectly, to the effort to prevent them from associating with the French people. Thousands of men within a few hours of Paris were not able to get more than a twelve-hour pass.
Facts gathered from personal investigation and interviews in France indicate that in spite of propaganda Negro officers and soldiers got along well with the French people. After they were in town a few days the people would cease to fear them and would ask why such strange relationships existed between comrades in arms from the same country. Both officers and men were invited into the homes of the people. French children were treated with the greatest deference by the Negro soldiers, and as a result a real brotherhood was established. The picture that appeared in Life, showing a colored soldier carrying a bundle for an old French woman met along the way, was typical and represented what occurred almost daily in France. Many helped the peasants to harvest their crops or to do any other work in which they were engaged. They always lent a hand whenever it was possible.
During 1918 reports were current in France, especially in American circles, including the army and welfare organizations, that the committing of the crime of rape was very common and that Negro officers as well as privates were guilty. On August 21 a memorandum was issued from the headquarters of the 92nd Division “to prevent the presence of colored troops from being a menace to women.” This said in part: “On account of the increasing frequency of the crime of rape, or attempted rape, in this Division, drastic preventive measures have become necessary.... Until further notice, there will be a check of all troops of the 92nd Division every hour daily between reveille and 11.00 p. m., with a written record showing how each check was made, by whom, and the result.... The one-mile limit regulation will be strictly enforced at all times, and no passes will be issued except to men of known reliability.” The next day another memorandum was sent out saying that the commander-in-chief of the American Expeditionary Forces “would send the 92nd Division back to the United States or break it up into labor battalions as unfit to bear arms in France, if efforts to prevent rape were not taken more seriously.” The next day the order for the hourly check of personnel was annulled, but in the meantime much discussion had been occasioned.
As the rumors continued to spread, Dr. Robert R. Moton was asked by the President of the United States and the Secretary of War to go to France and investigate the charges. On reaching France he went immediately to General Headquarters at Chaumont and from there to the Marbache sector, where he met General Martin, who was in command of the 92nd Division. On making inquiry Dr. Moton was informed by the General that twenty-six cases of the crime had occurred in the Division up to December 16, 1918, and staff officers who were present substantiated by conversation the general statements. Dr. Moton then asked the General if he would mind having one of his aides get the records inasmuch as the reputation of a race was at stake and as general statements were often misleading. When the records were brought in and examined only seven cases charged could be found. Of those charged only two men had been found guilty and convicted, and one of the two convictions had been turned down by general headquarters. “In other fighting units,” says Dr. Moton, “as well as in Bordeaux, St. Nazaire, and Brest, where many of the service of supplies troops were located, and at many other places, I made the same investigations. I interviewed American and French commanding officers. I talked as well with scores of American and French officers of lower rank. When the records were taken, as was the case with the 92nd Division, the number of cases charged were few. The opinion at general headquarters of the American forces was that the crime to which I have referred was no more prevalent among Negro soldiers than among white soldiers or any soldiers.”
The following record of rape in the 92nd Division was given to the writer by Major A. E. Patterson, judge advocate: “Ten soldiers were tried for assault with intent to rape. Five of those were bona fide efforts to accomplish that crime. The other five were simple assaults with no evidence to support the charge of assault with intent to commit rape. Three of the cases were actual rape cases, only one of which was in the 92nd Division. The other two were in units commanded by white officers. The other two men convicted, one of whom was hanged, were in labor battalions in the 92nd Division area, neither of the three cases of rape occurring in units commanded by colored officers.” The judge advocate in the headquarters of the service of supplies at Tours said that “since February, 1919, there had been only one assault with intent to commit rape in sections 4, 6, 7, and 9, where there were more than 75,000 Negro soldiers. The rape stories seem not to be substantiated.” In American camps there were two cases of the crime, one at Camp Dodge and one at Camp Grant.
The rape charges against Negro soldiers appear to have been greatly magnified. They were simply a part of the general propaganda to discredit Negro men in arms. It is not our intention to give the impression that there were not a few individuals who were guilty of the crime. It is a fact, however, that the wild rumors were simply one more effort to influence the French people in their dealings with Negro Americans.