CHAPTER I
THE CALL TO THE COLORS
Little did the American Negro think, as he struggled with his own problems in the early days of the World War, that he would be called upon to aid his fellowmen three thousand miles away. He looked with interest upon the conflict in Europe, his adventurous spirit was quickened by the accounts of heroism and sacrifice, and he could but marvel at German efficiency as he watched the great war machine crush its way through Belgium. As the German armies marched across the fields of France, however, leaving suffering and sorrow in their wake, the Negro found his sympathy going out to the French people; and when it became evident that America also would be drawn into the fighting, like the other citizens of the country he girded himself for the contest.
When war was declared on April 6, 1917, the American army numbered 75,000 officers and men, only a nucleus for the stupendous task now on hand. As the country marshalled its forces the question arose in some sections as to the use of a tenth part of its man-power. Some alarmists feared that if the Negro were trained in the science of modern warfare, not only would there be industrial and agricultural stagnation, but, even more important, peaceful relations after the war would be difficult if not indeed impossible. It was true that black men had gone to the aid of France and England, not as black men but as Frenchmen and Englishmen, and their names had been written in gold at the Marne and at Verdun, in Mesopotamia and in Africa. They too had wielded the cold steel, faced gas and liquid fire, and passed into the jaws of death. America, however, it was felt by some, had her own special problems and difficulties, and it was debatable if she could adopt a similar policy. On the other hand, throughout the country orators and the press alike proclaimed the patriotism of the Negro and his willingness to shed his blood for the Stars and Stripes. The heroism and loyalty of the race were recounted from the Revolution to Carrizal; whatever else might be said, the Negro’s hand had never been raised against the flag, nor had treason been found in his breast; and when the call for American manhood came, it was for all men from twenty-one to thirty-one years of age, regardless of color.
During this period there were those among the Negroes themselves who thought that at last the time had come to demand once for all the full rights of American citizens. A larger group, however, maintained that when the country was in danger the first duty of every citizen was to remove the danger and then to settle domestic problems. A program was adopted which resulted in the holding of great mass meetings throughout the country. The young men of the race were urged to enlist in the army or navy, and this they did with enthusiasm. The rush to the colors was unprecedented. The American Negro Loyal Legion proposed to raise 10,000 men in answer to the President’s call for 75,000 men. In sections where national guard units existed for colored men, these were the first to raise their units to war strength, as was demonstrated by the old 15th New York. Often in the registration booths new records of enlistments were made, so much so that at one time the War Department issued orders to “take no more colored men.” Boys in their teens and men beyond the draft age answered the call. Students left school or college to take up the knapsack and the gun. In the Southern states there was special eagerness to enlist, and in Florida there were petitions to the Governor for the privilege of raising “regiments of colored militia officered by men of the race.”
In some quarters it was said that Negroes would not register and that arrests would have to be made. Especially in country districts not reached by publicity campaigns there was not a thorough understanding of the requirements. This fact resulted in the arrest of a few men as slackers, but investigation showed that what seemed to be negligence was due to ignorance rather than to any definite intention to dodge the draft. Some who were beyond the age limits registered because they did not know their exact age, and some other older men believed that they would be sent to jail if they failed to appear.
When soon after registration day reports were sent out from Washington that Negroes would be sent to the various camps, a vigorous protest was made in some Southern states against placing them in the local camps, the strongest objection coming from South Carolina. Elsewhere, however, the opposition did not appear so violent; thus the Atlanta Constitution took the position that Negro soldiers should be trained in Camp Gordon along with other soldiers and felt that this could be done without friction. In Alabama there was an expressed feeling against “strange Negroes in large numbers,” and throughout the South it was believed that separate camps would be preferable. Objections grew less and less, however, as reports of the Negro’s enthusiasm for the draft came from all parts of the country.
The Negro went to camp willingly and those who remained gave him up whole-heartedly, sending him away with feasting and speech-making, songs and cheers, as well as with prayers and tears. Not only his kinsmen, but white citizens as well, vied with one another in their endeavor to do him honor and make him proud that he was going to serve his country. Sometimes a governor would address the draftees, and, as was often the case, parades would be led by mayors, chiefs of police, and city councilmen. Often the stores would close in honor of those called to the colors, and in one case an entire town turned out to see its only colored draftee leave for service. At such times the Negro’s patriotism reached its highest point. Not only those summoned but every Negro present was filled with intense emotion. Especially was this demonstrated when the colored contingent from Thomas County, Ga., assembled prior to movement to Camp Gordon. One farmer who had not harvested his crop made a final appeal for respite. The exemption officer called for a volunteer to take his place from the other men who were certified but not yet called. It is said that there was a stampede for the place.
The selective draft was fair in its inception, including all citizens alike, but unfortunately it did not always operate impartially when Negroes were involved. In Fulton County, Ga., the draft board had to be ordered dismissed for “unwarranted exemptions and discharges.” Out of 815 white men called by this board 526 were exempted, 44 per cent on physical grounds. At the same time 202 Negroes were called and only 6 exempted. The action of this board was by no means typical, but it illustrates what the Negro draftee sometimes had to contend with. In the determination of claims there appeared to be no discrimination, according to the report of the Provost Marshal, yet those called sometimes told sad stories as they were being led away to camp. Sometimes it would be the story of a man with a wife and five children, with ages from seven years to six months, who had been changed from Class 4 to 1-A. Sometimes Negro men living on their own farms, with crops growing and livestock to be cared for, were sent away to camp, while single men working for large planters were put in Class 4. All told it appears that many Negroes who had sufficient claim for exemption were drafted and sent away to camp. The figures taken from General Crowder’s report show that of the 1,078,331 colored men who registered, 556,917, or 51.65 per cent, were placed in Class 1, while 521,414 were in the deferred class. Of the 9,562,515 white men who registered, 3,110,659, or 32.53 per cent, were in Class 1, while 6,451,856 were in deferred classes. The numbers selected for full military service were 342,247 colored men and 1,916,750 white, or 31.74 per cent and 26.84 per cent respectively. The report further showed that 74.60 colored and 69.71 white out of every 100 men called were physically able to serve the country. Such figures were a revelation.
Various explanations were offered to account for this discrepancy. It was noted that voluntary enlistment was not open in the South to Negroes as to white men; thus it was estimated that 650,000 white men enlisted in this section and only 4000 colored men. Moreover pleas or excuses for deferment were not so readily accepted in the case of Negroes. Some also were regarded as delinquents and brought to camp as such when they really did not belong in this class. Migration complicated the situation and cards notifying Negro draftees of their call were often delayed and occasionally not even sent to them. The result was that men who had no intention of wrongdoing were sometimes arrested and treated as deserters. For each such case the local officer received fifty dollars. This practice became so profitable that camp authorities found it necessary to intervene to protect the well-intentioned draftee whom circumstances had unfortunately placed in the clutches of the law. If everything is considered, the evidence is conclusive that the Negro’s response to America’s call in the World War will remain a lasting tribute to his patriotism. He furnished his quota cheerfully. “The doubts expressed of his Americanism were ill considered and the fears concerning his loyalty were groundless.”
Many a Negro, as he left home and loved ones, for the first time thought of himself as a part of the Government and as sharing equally with every other citizen in the performance of his duty. Some had heard wonderful speeches about democracy and the brotherhood of all men, and each man cherished in his soul the idea of liberty. Each uttered a silent prayer that if he returned he might share more fully in the democracy for which he fought. One captain, about to set sail for France, expressed the hope in the heart of every Negro when he said: “I am leaving to-day a wife and three children. As great as the sacrifice is, I shall be satisfied never to see America again, if my wife and children will share greater opportunities and enjoy more liberty than I now enjoy”; and not only the men but the women who saw them leave shared this point of view.
Thus a loyal, kindly, and patient people went forth to do and to die, answering every call, and thinking first of their country and their great love for it in the hour of national peril.