The rules of intertemporal law outlined in Chapter I suggest that the major periods of international law (and the norms which in each of them governed the acquisition of territory) need to be correlated with the events relating to the archipelagos during each of these periods.
It has been observed that, until the latter half of the 19th century, a State could, by virtue of discovery accompanied by the assertion of sovereignty, acquire sovereignty over an inhabited land.1
For this period, and in the light of this norm which will first be analysed and clarified (I), the question of how there was first knowledge of the archipelagos without that knowledge entailing a discovery with legal effects needs to be examined (II). The actual acts of sovereignty effected by the various States, the related evidence and the antecedence of some with respect to others will then be considered (III).
By comparing the claims of the different parties, it will be possible to establish whether, in respect of one or other of the protagonists, an original title was created, in other words, whether one of the States possesses 'a title superior to that which (he other State might possibly bring forward against it'. 2
In Sections II and III, the Paracels and the Spratlys will be considered separately.THE NORMS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW REGARDING THE ACQUISITION OF TERRITORIES UNTIL THE LATTER HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY
The corpus of rules examined here is what has gradually emerged, in a customary fashion, down the centuries, above all since the era which saw the development of navigation and the great discoveries. Punctuated here and there by a number of arbitral awards or theoretical works, it did not undergo
1 See Chapter 1, p. 15.any significant change until the 1884 Congress of Berlin. The rules which are reviewed here are now held to be general ones based on a very European concept of international relations. Whether they are truly universal, in other words, what the rules in force were during the periods concerned in other parts of the world, will also need to be examined.
In the context of international law of western origin, acquisition of territories means either the assertion of a new sovereignty where there was none hitherto or a sovereignty modified by a change in the holder of it. The case of the Paracel and Spratly archipelagos is, or was originally, a matter of the establishment of a new sovereignty. It is this point which needs to be examined here, leaving the matter of the possibility of a change in the holder of the sovereignty for the following chapter.
It is a well-known fact that (sovereign) State power usually derives from a triangular relationship between a government, a territory and a population.
In the colonial conquests (the particular case of the protectorate apart), the local population was ignored and the territory reduced by a fiction to the status of res nullius, this artifice enabling the western powers to act as though affirming a new sovereignty.
But in other cases, it was specifically a matter of terra nullius owing to the genuine absence of a settled population (as the comings and goings of a seasonal population did not warrant the status of inhabited land). It is the rules relating to this case (or to this series of cases) that need to be clearly identified.
The general principle of these rules is, or rather was during the long period referred to here, that, for uninhabited territories hitherto ownerless:
...a claim to sovereignty based not upon some particular act or title such as a treaty of cession but merely upon continued display of authority, involves two elements each of which must be shown to exist: the intention and will to act as sovereign, and some actual exercise or display of such authority.3
Hence, two sorts of elements must be shown to exist for the acquisition of sovereignty to be accepted under international law. There are elements which are physical, material (corpus). These are inadequate without an element of intent (animus), in other words, the clearly expressed will to act as sovereign.
3 Permanent Court of International Justice, Advisory Opinion regarding Eastern Greenland, ICJ Reports 1933, p. 45 {territory disputed between Denmark and Norway).The 19th century is strewn with major arbitral awards, on which occasions the arbiters, or the scholarly opinion through the medium of the commentaries on the decisions, refined this requirement.
Discovery accompanied by a public affirmation of sovereignty creates no more than an inchoate title capable of removing third States from the territory to which it applies, during the time necessary for its development through occupation, but not indefinitely, as it is enough to enable its possessor to supplement it by actual occupation, that cannot be a substitute for it. To improve the title, to make it complete and definitive, 'the intention to appropriate the territory discovered must be accompanied by actual possession, in other words, the country must be completely under the control of the party concerned and it must have undertaken works which constitute settlement'.4
This was the doctrine expressed in the middle of the last century and confirmed by arbitral case-law and diplomatic practice.5There is no shortage of varied expressions of the same view. It may be summarized as follows: discovery in the 15 th century, followed, in the 17th century, by a public affirmation of sovereignty, provided an inchoate title which actual possession of the island in the 19th century had completed.6
Two groups of alternate elements may be identified here: a factual element: discovery, then the element of intent, the indispensable public affirmation of sovereignty and, lastly, reinforcement of the factual element.
The material element As the abovequotations show, the concrete facts fall into two categories.
4
Eugene Ortolan, Des moyens d 'acquerir le domaine international, Paris, 1851, p. 49. Aves Islands case. Award of 30 June 1865 between the Netherlands and Venezuela, A. de la Pradelle and N. Politis, Historical Note, Recueil des Arbitrages Intemationaux, vol. II, pp. 417-418. See also Beatrice Orent and Patricia Reinsch, 'Sovereignty over Islands in
the Pacific', American Journal of International Law, 1941, at pp. 443 et seq.6
Case concerning the Island of Bulama, Award of 21 April 1870 between Great Britain and Portugal.
Little can be said about man's first encounter with an unknown territory. It relates to a whole mythology surrounding terra incognita. Matters are often more prosaic. We will revert below to the issue of how confusion often arises (sometimes with ill intent) between knowledge of a territory and its 'discovery'.
A territory, and especially an island or an archipelago, can easily have been known from time immemorial to navigators frequenting those parts, to geographers keen to extend their work to include all territories regardless of who owns them, yet at the same time never have formed the object of any 'discovery' producing legal effects. The latter can only derive from facts of a certain nature issuing from specific authorities.
However, supposing this condition, which falls in the domain, of intentionality, (discussed in the following paragraph) is met, it is nevertheless true that the first stage in the discovery must subsequently be reinforced.
The notion of taking possessionThe law of the period under consideration here must not be confused with the law in force since the Berlin Congress. It should not be overlooked that only from 1884-85 onwards has there been a specific requirement of actual occupation (Article 35 of the Berlin Act), that this requirement cannot have retroactive effect and that to consider it as so having would be to make an error of law.
For to require of the acquisition of sovereignty by occupation an active taking of possession, uninterrupted and permanent, is to apply to acts dating from the 18th century and the early 19th century a principle of law not proclaimed until 1885 by the Berlin Conference; the declarations of that Conference cannot have retroactive effect.7
However, long before the Berlin Act, it was accepted and required that occupation should materially amount to more than symbolic acts. 'Mere discovery has never constituted sufficient basis for a claim to terra nullius'...
7 Paul Fauchille, 'Le conflit de limites entre le Bresil et la Grande-Bretagne' (1905) Revue generale de droit international public, Paris, at p. 135.The symbolic ceremonies were generally supplemented by some exercise of administrative authority, such as the granting of a lease, or by lodgement of private citizens.8
It was a matter of the legal relations between States.International law in the 19th century, having regard to the fact that most parts of the globe were under the sovereignty of States members of the community of nations, and that territories without a master had become relatively few, took account of a tendency already existing and especially developed since the middle of the 18th century, and laid down the principle that occupation, to constitute a claim to territorial sovereignty, must be effective, that is, offer certain guarantees to other States and their nationals.9
However, it will be noted:First, that the degree of effectiveness of the occupation required during this period had none of the rigour or scope required of occupations under the Berlin regime:
Territorial sovereignty could be acquired in the past in conditions which would not suffice today.10Second, that in all ages it has been necessary to adapt the requirement of effectiveness (regardless of the legal degree of it required) to the circumstances of the place and the topography of the territory.
... A claim to sovereignty based upon continued display of authority involves two elements, each of which must be shown to exist: the intention and will to act as sovereign, and some actual exercise or display of such authority. (.,.)
True, the Permanent Court recognized that, in the case of claims to sovereignty over areas in thinly populated or unsettled countries, 'very little in the way of actual exercise of sovereign rights might be sufficient in the absence of a competing claim'.11
8 Beatrice Orent and Patricia Reinsch, 'Sovereignty over Islands in the Pacific' (1941) American Journal of International Law, pp. 443 et seq.
9 Max Huber, Arbitral Award, Island of Palmas, op. cit., pp. 845-846.
10 Paul Reuter, Droit international public (Paris, PUF, 1968 Ed.), p. 117.
11 International Court of Justice, Advisory Opinion concerning Western Sahara, ICJ Reports 1975, p. 43.
Thus (in the system of intertemporal law we must apply here) mere discovery must be followed by acts of occupation meeting the requirement of qualified effectiveness described above.
Such acts could lead to the acquisition of rights which could be invoked against third States only if there was an intention (animus) to act as sovereign.
For this reason acts by private individuals which were not immediately followed up by the public authorities are disregarded.
The debate is of long standing. It was pursued by the parties in the Aves Island case (Netherlands v. Venezuela). The arbitrator concluded:
Having regard to the established fact that the inhabitants of Saint-Eustache, a Dutch possession, fish for turtles and collect eggs on Aves Island, this practice, implying as it does merely temporary, precarious occupation of the island and being not the exercise of an exclusive right, but the consequence of the abandonment of fishing by the inhabitants of neighbouring countries or by the island's legitimate owner, cannot found the right of sovereignty; 12
Intention derives either from the actual nature of certain facts or from the standing of the party performing the acts.This question lay at the heart of the Minquiers and Ecrehos case between France and the United Kingdom.
In that case the International Court of Justice considered, among other things, the fact that the Jersey courts had exercised criminal jurisdiction in respect of the Ecrehos, that Jersey had levied local taxes on habitable houses or huts built by the inhabitants of Jersey on the Ecrehos, that fishermen living on and fishing from the Ecrehos had been entered in the register of fishing boats for the port of Jersey, and that contracts of sale relating to real property on the islets of the Ecrehos had been concluded in Jersey and registered in the public register of deeds of that island.13 Together these facts proved the United Kingdom's assertion of sovereignty.
Conversely, certain facts invoked by France, such as buoying outside the reefs of the group could 'hardly be considered as sufficient evidence of the intention of that Government to act as sovereign over the islets '.14
Thus what the Court required was acts that could be considered to be displays of exclusive State authority over the territory concerned.
Lastly, the 'animus', as distinct from actual facts, is not lost by reason of their absence. This was a key element of the legal system which prevailed until the late 19th century. A territory is abandoned by its sovereign (and cannot therefore be claimed by another sovereign) only if both elements which together establish sovereignty are lacking.
In international law, derelictio results from two elements: in material terms, the absence of any effective administration of the territory concerned; in psychological terms, the intention to abandon the territory.15
The rule is of long standing and is still in force. It has been mentioned and applied in various arbitrations.It follows from these premises that Clipperton Island was legitimately acquired by France on November 17, 1858. There is no reason to suppose that France subsequently lost her right by derelictio, since she never had the animus of abandoning the island, and the fact that she has not exercised her authority there in a positive manner does not imply the forfeiture of a acquisition already definitively perfected.16
Or again:Against these titles, the fact of not having actually occupied the island did not prove anything, since the abandonment of the exercise of sovereignty was not enough to establish its loss, the titleholder further had to renounce the animus possidendi.17
14 Idem, p. 71.
15 Gerard Cohen-Jonathan, 'Les iles Falkland (Malouines)' (1972) Annuaire Francois de Droit International (Paris, CNRS), at p. 238.
16 Clipperton Island, Arbitral Award by King Victor Emmanuel III (1932) American Journal of International Law, at p. 394.
17 Aves Island case, Netherlands-Venezuela, 30 March 1865, Moore 5, 5027 (original Spanish).
Such was the law until 1884. Title to sovereignty arose only from a blend of discovery followed by the taking of effective possession accompanied by the will to act as sovereign.
Two elements then supplemented this norm: the taking of effective possession must be evaluated on the basis of the location: the interruption of physical manifestations of sovereignty did not in itself interrupt sovereignty if there had been no clear renunciation of it.
Was this set of norms equally valid throughout the world at the time (until the end of the 19th century)? It would appear that in Asia the abstract concept of the territoriality of the State was linked less to a spatial definition of legal jurisdiction and more to the loyalty of subjects and the social organization of society, elements which could not apply to uninhabited territories.18 This specificity must be taken into consideration in the analysis.
We shall first examine the period prior to the 18th century, which was characterized by mere awareness of the islands, then the period which saw an assertion of sovereignty, from the 18th century onwards.
AWARENESS OR DISCOVERY. THE SITUATION OF THE ARCHIPELAGOS BEFORE THE l8TH CENTURYA clear distinction must be made between the concept of geographical awareness and that of discovery, their legal effects being fundamentally different.
There is no doubt that since ancient times (difficult to date) the archipelagos were known to geographers and navigators from various lands. They are mentioned in a host of documents (albeit with the relative lack of precision inherent in old map-making techniques).
However the names in use before the 18th century do not allow us to conclude that there was universal recognition of the sovereignty of any one State over either archipelago. Works of geography do not therefore support the claims of one party or another in ancient times. These observations flow from consultation of the maps available at the French National Library. The archipelagos are identifiable on many maps dating from the early 18th century or later.'19 However, the names are given in various languages (often
18 See van Dyke and Bennett, Islands and the Delimitation of Ocean Space in the South China Sea, statement at the Conference held in Bali (Indonesia) on the question of hydrocarbons in the South China Sea, 13 March 1989, mimeographed paper, p. 11.
19 In particular:that of the navigator or mapmaker), making it impossible to use such charts to infer conclusions of a legal nature concerning title to sovereignty at the time.
Despite the fact that China and Vietnam claim to have asserted their rights since time immemorial, as things stand there are no documents in the case allowing us to state that, beyond geographical awareness or private visits by a few fishermen, either State carried out any acts which might have revealed a taking of possession, however symbolic, before the 18th century.20 Fishing was always practised by both Chinese and Annamese fishermen. Owing to the climate (torrid heat in some seasons and formation of cyclones), there was no trace of permanent occupation before military logistics made the recent installation of garrisons possible.
Examination of the documents first reveals that initially, and for a long time, there was no separate mention of two archipelagos. China and Vietnam both appear to consider that any mention embraced all the islands in general.
A few Vietnamese documents are nevertheless detailed enough for a distinction between the two archipelagos to be inferred. The references produced by China are more vague in this respect.
The explanation for the long confusion is historical. The navigators of the region, like the first western navigators (Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch), believed there to be a single archipelago in that part of the sea. The Europeans called it the Paracels, the Vietnamese called it Hoang Sa, and the Chinese gave it several names. It is true that the inhospitable seas of the reputedly dangerous zone discouraged idle forays.
In the 18th century, the French Kergariou-Locmaria expedition (1787— 1788) identified the islands more accurately, distinguishing one archipelago which kept the name Paracels as well as 'a great number of islands which are not shown on any chart old or new'.21 Subsequently the charts showed the existence, 500 kilometres further south, of a vast, separate archipelago, named the Spratlys, or Truong Sa by the Vietnamese, and Nansha by the Chinese. It must be added that, however well the South China Sea was
Map compiled in 1808 by Daniel Rops, Lt. of the Bombay Marine (Ge 2301/17) Map of Neptune's Eastern Realm after Mannevilette (1745, Ge DD 2987) Map of Amsterdam, 1785 (GE D 3610)
Map of the China Sea, 1821 (GeCC2301)
Map of the Coasts of Siam and Part of the Coasts of China, 1732, compiled by Mr de la Vignein 1712 (GeC 10431).
20 See Pierre Bernard in: Lafont (ed.) Les frontieres du Vietnam (Paris, L'Harmattan, 1989), pp. 246 et seq.
21 Excerpt from a letter dated 28 April 1788 from Captain de Kergariou-Locmaria (frigate Calypso), National naval archives, B.4.278. Annex 7.
known, for centuries it was so notorious for the dangerous ground in the form of islets, banks and reefs strewn across its centre, that navigators setting a course for Singapore or the Gulf of Thailand always hugged the Vietnamese coast.
The result was that, inevitably, far less was known about the Spratlys than about the Paracels, which for Chinese sailors remained the 'gateway to Champa'. 22
The documents produced by the ChineseThe Chinese arguments are expressed either in documents published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, or in publications originating with the Chinese Government, such as Nouvelles sinologiques or other studies by Chinese researchers. They contain quite general assertions such as the following:
A large quantity of historical works and documents as well as many archaeological finds prove beyond all doubt that the Xisha and Nansha Islands have been Chinese territories since antiquity.23
In the case of more detailed statements, arguments pointing to knowledge that Chinese navigators were said to have had of the existence of these archipelagos going back a long time are mingled with assertions relating to Chinese sovereignty.24
Geographical knowledgeIn certain Chinese documents, excerpts from geographical works are quoted as support for a Chinese title to the islands. And these islands are actually mentioned and described, though as they are works dealing with countries other than China, they have no value as evidence. Like all geographers in search of universal data, the Chinese geographers and chroniclers concentrated on meticulously describing territories, without necessarily including them under Chinese sovereignty.
22 Marwyn S. Samuels, Contest for the South China Sea (New York, London, Methuen, 1982), pp. 23-24.
23 (1988) Nouvetles sinologiques. No. 7, 20 April 1988.
24 (1988) Nouvelles sinologiques, No. 8, reproducing a document of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China of 30 January 1980, entitled: 'China's Indisputable Sovereignty over the Xisha and Nansha Islands'.
The following works may be placed in the category of documents which merely prove a general knowledge of the area, but are not useful to the legal argument:
- Nan Zhou Yi Wu Zhi (Record of Strange Things of the South) by Wan Zhen (period of the Three Kingdoms, 220-265), written under the reign of Emperor Wudi of the Han dynasty. A travel account of a voyage in the South China Sea, it mentions that the water is quite shallow and that there are a great many 'magnetic stones'. This poetic term certainly denotes rocks or sandbanks but is too imprecisely used to enable one to identify either or both of the two archipelagos at issue today. Moreover, the Chinese themselves admit that the islands had 'a multitude of vivid and poetic names'. Whence the scepticism of non-Chinese authors regarding the fact that this text allegedly relates to the Paracels and the Spratlys.25
- Fu Nan Zhuan by Kang Tai, from the same period, mentions that, in the Sea of Shanghai, coral islands are found on a flat rocky base, with the coral growing on top. In the September 1993 issue of the periodical Window published in Hong Kong, a study signed Panshiying, a specialist researcher at the Beijing Foundation for International and Strategic Studies, quotes this very general text of Kang Tai dating from the first centuries of the Christian Era. The author claims that it contains a description of the Spratlys. Yet the quotation produced is not precise enough to bear this out.
- Yi Wu Zhi by Yang Fu (Eastern Han period, 25-220 A.D.) concerns 'exotic things' relating to foreign countries.
- Ling Wai dai da by Zhou Chufei (Song Dynasty, 1178), Zhu fan zhi (Notes on Foreigners) by Zhao Ju Guo (Song Dynasty, 1225), Dao Ji Zhi Lue (General View of the Islands) by Wang Da Yuan (Yuan Dynasty, 1349), Dong Xi Yang Kao (Study of the Eastern and Western Seas) by Zhang Xie (1618), Wu bei Zhi (On the Seven Voyages of Zheng He, 1405-1433, in the southern Seas and Indian Ocean) by Mao Yuan Ji (1628), Haiguo wenjihian lu (Things Seen and Heard in Countries Overseas) (Qing Dynasty), Hat Lu (Notes on Sea Voyages) by Yang Brignam of the same period (1820), Haigue tuzhi (Notes on Foreign Countries and Navigation) by Wei Yuan (1848) and Yinghuan zhilue (Summary Geography of the Globe) by Feng Wenzhang (1848) form a collection of works consisting of travel accounts, geographical monographs or nautical books concerning countries foreign to China. Some are the work of the travellers themselves or of Chinese ambassadors abroad. Others, such as Dong Xi Yang Kao, relate 'things seen and heard', the author explaining that he has set out to question people hailing from distant places,
sailors or explorers, sometimes simply because he has run into them in the harbour.
Most of these accounts refer to the islands using widely varying names, which makes any identification uncertain. Sometimes there are a few details of the distance from the coast. They do not always confirm that it is indeed the Paracels which are being referred to, still less the Spratlys, which are much further from the Chinese coasts.
For example, in Dong Xi Yang kao referred to supra, islands are mentioned which are situated 100 li (50 kilometres) from Wenchang, which cannot correspond geographically to the Paracels, lying as they do over 200 kilometres south-east of Hainan. The names of the islands vary in the most whimsical fashion: Jiurulozhou, Wanlizhitang, Wanlichengsha, Qianlishitang, Qizhouyang, Qizhousan. So it is difficult to follow the Chinese authors when they assert that all of these denote the Paracels or sometimes the Spratlys (however, they themselves sometimes agree that the word Wanlishitang denotes the four archipelagos, in other words, all the islands in the South China Sea) or when they infer from them a Chinese title, whereas the texts in question, such as Hai Yu by Huang Zhung, of t