A History of Art in Ancient Egypt by Perrot and Chipiez - HTML preview

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irrigation. All outside this zone is uninhabited, and produces neither

corn nor vegetables nor trees nor even grass. No water is to be found

there beyond a few wells, all more or less exposed to exhaustion in

an ever-parching atmosphere. In Upper Egypt rain is an extremely

rare phenomenon. Sand and rock cover the whole country, except the

actual valley of the Nile. Up to the point where the river divides into

several arms, that is to say for more than three-quarters of the whole

length of Egypt, this valley never exceeds an average width of more

than four or five leagues. In a few districts it is even narrower than

this. For almost its whole length it is shut in between two mountain

chains, that on the east called the Arab, that on the west the Libyan

chain. These mountains, especially towards the south, sometimes

close in and form defiles. On the other hand, in Middle Egypt the

Libyan chain falls back and becomes lower, allowing the passage of

the canal which carries the fertilizing waters into the Fayoum, the

province in which the remains of the famous reservoir which the

Greek writers called Lake Mœris exist. Egypt, which was little more

than a glen higher up, here widens out to a more imposing size. A

little below Cairo, the present capital of Egypt, situated not far from

the site of ancient Memphis, the Nile divides into two branches, one

of which, the Rosetta branch, turns to the north-west, the other, that

of Damietta, to the north and north-east.... The ancients knew five

others which, since their time, have either been obliterated or at least

have become non-navigable.... All these branches took their names

from towns situated near their mouths. A large number of less

important watercourses threaded their way through

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Lower Egypt; but as the earth there is marshy, their channels have

shifted greatly from age to age and still go on changing. The Nile

forms several lagunes near the sea, shut in by long tongues of earth

and sand, and communicating with the Mediterranean by openings

here and there. The space comprised between the two most distant

branches of the river is called the Delta, on account of its triangular

form, which is similar to that of a capital Greek delta (Δ)."[43]

At one time the waves of the Mediterranean washed the foot of the

sandy plateau which is now crowned by the Great Pyramid; the Nile

flowed into the sea at that time slightly to the north of the site upon

which Memphis was afterwards built. With the slow passage of time

the particles of earth which it brought down from the mountains of

Abyssinia were deposited as mud banks upon the coast, and

gradually filling up the gulf, created instead wide marshy plains

intersected by lakes. Here and there ancient sand ridges indicate the

successive watercourses. The never-ceasing industry of its floods

had already, at the earliest historic period, carried the mouths of the

Nile far beyond the normal line of the neighbouring coasts. The

Egyptian priests—whose words have been preserved for us by

Herodotus—had a true idea as to how this vast plain had been

created, a plain which now comprises twenty-three thousand square

kilometres and is continually being added to; but they were strangely

deceived when they thought and declared that Menes or Ména, the

first of all kings, found almost all Egypt under the waters. The sea,

they said, penetrated in those days beyond the site of Memphis, and

the remainder of the country, the district of Thebes excepted, was an

unhealthy morass.[44] The Delta had, in fact, existed long before the appearance of Menes, and perhaps it may have shown pretty much

its present form when the Egyptian race first appeared in the valley of

the Nile.[45]

As to the origin of that race, we need not enter at length into a

question so purely ethnographical. It is now generally allowed that

they were connected with the white races of Europe

9

and Western Asia; the anatomical examination of the bodies

recovered from the most ancient tombs, and the study of their

statues, bas-reliefs, and pictures, all point to this conclusion. If we

take away individual peculiarities these monuments furnish us with

the following common type of the race even in the most remote

epochs:—

"The average Egyptian was tall, thin, active. He had large and

powerful shoulders,[46] a muscular chest, sinewy arms terminating in long and nervous hands, narrow hips, and thin muscular legs. His

knees and calves were nervous and muscular, as is generally the

case with a pedestrian race; his feet were long, thin, and flattened, by

his habit of going barefoot. The head, often too large and powerful for

the body, was mild, and even sad in its expression. His forehead was

square and perhaps a little low, his nose short and round; his eyes

were large and well opened, his cheeks full and round, his lips thick

but not turned out like a negro's; his rather large mouth bore an

habitually soft and sorrowful expression. These features are to be

found in most of the statues of the ancient and middle empires, and in

all the later epochs. Even to the present day the peasants, or fellahs,

have almost everywhere preserved the physiognomy of their

ancestors, although the upper classes have lost it by repeated

intermarriage with strangers."[47]

When Mariette discovered in the necropolis at Memphis the famous

wooden statue of a man standing and holding in his hand the baton of

authority, the peasants of Sakkarah recognised at once the feature

and attitude of one of themselves, of the rustic dignitary who

managed the corvées and apportioned the taxation. An astonished

fellah cried out: "The Sheikh-el-Beled!" His companions took up the

cry, and the statue has been known by that name ever since.[48]

Increased knowledge of the Egyptian language has enabled us to

carry our researches much farther than Champollion and his

successors. By many of its roots, by its system of pronouns,

10

by its nouns of number, and by some of the arrangements of its

conjugations, it seems to have been attached to the Semitic family of

languages. Some of the idioms of these Semitic tongues are found in

Egyptian in a rudimentary state. From this it has been concluded that

Egyptian and its cognate languages, after having belonged to that

group, separated from it at a very early period, while their

grammatical system was still in course of formation. Thus, disunited

and subjected to diverse influences, the two families made a different

use of the elements which they possessed in common.

There would thus seem to have been a community of root between

the Egyptians on the one part and the Arabs, Hebrews, and

Phœnicians on the other, but the separation took place at such an

early period, that the tribes who came to establish themselves in the

valley of the Nile had both the time and the opportunity to acquire a

very particular and original physiognomy of their own. The Egyptians

are therefore said to belong to the proto-Semitic races.

Fig. 6.—Statue from the Ancient Empire in calcareous

stone. (Boulak.[49]) Drawn by G. Bénédite.

This opinion has been sustained with more or less plausibility by MM.

Lepsius, Benfey, and Bunsen, and accepted by

13

M. Maspero.[50] But other critics of equal authority are more impressed by the differences than by the resemblances, which, however, they

neither deny nor explain. M. Renan prefers to rank the Copts, the

Tuaregs, and the Berbers in a family which he would call Chamitic,

and to which he would refer most of the idioms of Northern Africa.[51] A comparison of the languages is, then, insufficient to decide the

question of origin.

Fig. 7.—The Sheikh-el-Beled. (Boulak.) Drawn by J. Bourgoin.

The people whose physical characteristics we have described and

whose idiom we have defined, came from Asia, to all appearance, by

the Isthmus of Suez. Perhaps they found established on the banks of

the Nile another race, probably black, and indigenous to the African

continent.[52] If this were so the new comers forced the earlier occupants of the country southwards without mixing with them, and

set themselves resolutely to the work of improvement. Egypt must

then have presented a very different sight from its richness and

fertility of to-day. The river when left to itself, was perpetually

changing its bed, and even in its highest floods it failed to reach

certain parts of the valley, which remained unproductive; in other

districts it remained so long that it changed the soil into swamp. The

Delta, half of it drowned in the waters of the Nile, the other half under

those of the Mediterranean, was simply a huge morass dotted here

and there with sandy islands and waving with papyrus, reeds, and

lotus, across which the river worked its sluggish and uncertain way;

upon both banks the desert swallowed up all the soil left untouched

by the yearly inundations. From the crowding vegetation of a tropical

marsh to the most absolute aridity was but a step. Little by little the

new comers learnt to control the course of the floods, to bank them in

and to carry them to the farthest corners of the valley, and Egypt

gradually arose out of the waters and became in the hand of man one

of the best adapted countries in the world for the development of a

great civilization.[53]

How many generations did it require to create the country and the

nation? We cannot tell. But we may affirm that a

14

commencement was made by the simultaneous establishment at

several different points of small independent states, each of which

had its own laws and its own form of worship. These districts

remained almost unchanged in number and in their respective

boundaries almost up to the end of the ancient world. Their union

under one sceptre formed the kingdom of the Pharaohs, the country

of Khemi, but their primitive divisions did not therefore disappear; the

small independent states became provinces and were the foundation

of those local administrative districts which the Greeks called nomes.

Fig. 8.—Hunting in the Marshes; from a bas-relief in the tomb of

Ti.

Besides this division into districts, the Egyptians had one other, and

only one—the division into Lower Egypt, or the

15

North Country ( Tomera, or To-meh), and into Upper Egypt, or the

South Country ( To-res). Lower Egypt consisted of the Delta; Upper

Egypt stretched from the southernmost point of the Delta to the first

cataract. This division has the advantage of corresponding exactly to

the configuration of the country; moreover, it preserves the memory of

a period before the time of Menes, during which Egypt was divided

into two separate kingdoms—that of the North and that of the South,

a division which in later times had often a decisive influence upon the

course of events. This state of things was of sufficiently long duration

to leave an ineffaceable trace upon the official language of Egypt,

and upon that which we may call its blazonry, or heraldic imagery.

The sovereigns who united the whole territory under one sceptre are

always called, in the royal protocols, the lords of Upper and Lower

Egypt; they carry on their heads two crowns, each appropriate to one

of the two great divisions of their united kingdom. That of Upper

Egypt is known to egyptologists as the White crown, because of the

colour which it bears upon painted monuments; that of the North is

called the red crown, for a similar reason. Combined with one another

they form the complete regal head-dress ordinarily called the

pschent. In the hieroglyphics Northern Egypt is indicated by the

papyrus; Southern by the lotus.

Fig. 9.—Shadouf; machine for irrigating the land above the level

of the canals.

During the Ptolemaic epoch a new administrative division into Upper,

Middle, and Lower Egypt was established. The Middle

16

Egypt of the Greek geographers began at the southern point of the

Delta, and extended to a little south of Hermopolis. Although this

latter division was not established until after the centuries which saw

the birth of those monuments with which we shall have to deal, we

shall make frequent use of it, as it will facilitate and render more

definite our topographical explanations. For the contemporaries of the

Pharaohs both Memphis and Thebes belong to Upper Egypt, and if

we adopted their method of speech we should be under the continual

necessity of stopping the narration to define geographical positions;

but with the tri-partite division we may speak of Beni-Hassan as in

Middle, and Abydos as in Upper Egypt, and thus give a sufficient idea

of their relative positions.

Fig. 10.—The White Crown. Fig. 11.—The Red Crown. Fig.

12.—The Pschent.

§ 3. The Great Divisions of Egyptian History.

In enumerating and analysing the remains of Egyptian art, we shall

classify them chronologically as well as locally. The monuments of the

plastic arts will be arranged into groups determined by the periods of

their occurrence, as well as by their geographical distribution. We

must refer our readers to the works of M. Maspero and others for the

lists of kings and dynasties, and for the chief events of each reign, but

it will be convenient for us to give here a summary of the principal

epochs in Egyptian history. Each of those epochs corresponds to an

artistic period with a

17

special character and individuality of its own. The following

paragraphs taken from the history of M. Maspero give all the

necessary information in a brief form.

"In the last years of the prehistoric period, the sacerdotal class had

obtained a supremacy over the other classes of the nation. A man

called Menes (Menha or Ména in the Egyptian texts) destroyed this

supremacy and founded the Egyptian monarchy.

"This monarchy existed for at least four thousand years, under thirty

consecutive dynasties, from the reign of Menes to that of Nectanebo

(340 years before our era). This interval of time, the longest of which

political history takes note, is usually divided into three parts: the

Ancient Empire, from the first to the eleventh dynasty; the Middle

Empire, from the eleventh dynasty to the invasion of the Hyksos or

Shepherds; the New Empire from the shepherd kings to the Persian

conquest. This division is inconvenient in one respect; it takes too

little account of the sequence of historical events.

"There were indeed, three great revolutions in the historical

development of Egypt. At the beginning of its long succession of

human dynasties (the Egyptians, like other peoples, placed a number

of dynasties of divine rulers before their first human king) the political

centre of the country was at Memphis; Memphis was the capital and

the burying-place of the kings; Memphis imposed sovereigns upon

the rest of the country and was the chief market for Egyptian

commerce and industry. With the commencement of the sixth

dynasty, the centre of gravity began to shift southwards. During the

ninth and tenth dynasties it rested at Heracleopolis, in Middle Egypt,

and in the time of the eleventh dynasty, it fixed itself at Thebes. From

that period onwards Thebes was the capital of the country and

furnished the sovereign. From the eleventh to the twenty-first all the

Egyptian dynasties were Theban with the single exception of the

fourteenth Xoite dynasty. At the time of the shepherd invasion, the

Thebaïd became the citadel of Egyptian nationality, and its princes,

after centuries of war against the intruders, finally succeeded in

freeing the whole valley of the Nile for the benefit of the eighteenth

dynasty, which opened the era of great foreign wars.

"Under the nineteenth dynasty an inverse movement to that of the

first period carried the political centre of the country back towards the

north. With the twenty-first Tanite dynasty, Thebes

18

ceased to be the capital, and the cities of the Delta, Tanis, Bubastis,

Mendes, Sebennytos, and above all Sais, rose into equal or superior

importance. From that time the political life of the country

concentrated itself in the maritime districts. The nomes of the

Thebaïd, ruined by the Ethiopian and Assyrian invasions, lost their

influence; and Thebes itself fell into ruin and became nothing more

than a rendezvous for curious travellers.

"I propose, therefore, to divide Egyptian history into three periods,

each corresponding to the political supremacy of one town or

province over the whole of Egypt:—

"First Period, Memphite (the first ten dynasties). The supremacy of

Memphis and of the sovereigns furnished by her.

"Second Period, Theban (from the eleventh to the twentieth dynasties

inclusive). Supremacy of Thebes and the Theban kings. This period is

divided into two sub-periods by the Shepherd dynasties.

" a. The old Theban empire, from the eleventh to the sixteenth

dynasties.

" b. The new Theban empire, from the sixteenth to the twentieth

dynasties.

"Third Period, Sait (from the twenty-first to the thirtieth dynasties,

inclusive). Supremacy of Sais and the other cities of the Delta. This

period is divided into two by the Persian invasion:—

" First Sait period, from the twenty-first to the twenty-sixth dynasties.

" Second Sait period, from the twenty-seventh to the thirtieth

dynasties."[54]

Mariette places the accession of Ména or Menes at about the fiftieth

century before our era, while Bunsen and other Egyptologists bring

forward his date to 3,600 or 3,500 B.C. as they believe some of the

dynasties of Manetho to have been contemporary with each other.

Neither Mariette nor Maspero deny that Egypt, in the course of its

long existence, was often partitioned between princes who reigned in

Upper and Lower Egypt respectively; but, guided

19

by circumstances which need not be described here, they incline to

believe that Manetho confined himself to enumerating those

dynasties which were looked upon as the legitimate ones. The work

of elimination which has been attempted by certain modern savants,

must have been undertaken, to a certain extent, in Egypt itself; and

some of the collateral dynasties must have been effaced and passed

over in silence, because the monuments still remaining preserve the

names of reigning families which are ignored by history.

Whatever may be thought of this initial date, Egypt remains, as has

been so well said by M. Renan, "a lighthouse in the profound

darkness of remote antiquity." Its period of greatest power was long

anterior to the earliest traditions of the Greek race; the reign of

Thothmes III., who, according to a contemporary expression, "drew

his frontiers where he pleased," is placed by common consent in the

seventeenth century, B.C. The Egyptian empire then comprised

Abyssinia, the Soudan, Nubia, Syria, Mesopotamia, part of Arabia,

Khurdistan, and Armenia. Founded by the kings of the eighteenth

dynasty, this greatness was maintained by those of the nineteenth. To

this dynasty belonged Rameses II., the Sesostris of the Greeks, who

flourished in the fifteenth century. It was the superiority of its

civilization, even more than the valour of its princes and soldiers,

which made Egypt supreme over Western Asia.

This supremacy declined during the twenty-first and twenty-second

dynasties, but, at the same time, Egyptian chronology becomes more

certain as opportunities of comparison with the facts of Hebrew

history increase. The date of 980, within a year or two, may be given

with confidence as that of the accession of Sheshonk I., the

contemporary of Solomon and Rehoboam. From that date onwards,

the constant struggles between Egypt and its neighbours, especially

with Assyria, multiply our opportunities for synchronic comparison. In

the seventh century the country was opened to the Greeks, the real

creators of history, who brought with them their inquiring spirit and

their love for exactitude. After the accession of Psemethek I., the

founder of the twenty-sixth dynasty, in 656, our historical materials

are abundant. For that we must thank the Greek travellers who

penetrated everywhere, taking notes which they afterwards amplified

into narratives. It is a singular thing, that even as late as the

Ptolemies, when the

20

power of the Macedonian monarchy was fully developed, the

Egyptians never seem to have felt the want of what we call an era, of

some definite point from which they could measure the course of time

and the progress of the centuries. "They were satisfied with

calculating