A History of Art in Ancient Egypt by Perrot and Chipiez - HTML preview

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Fig. 88.—Man and his wife in the style of the 5th

dynasty. Calcareous stone. From the Louvre.

We shall see that a special recess was prepared in the thickness of

the built up portion of the tomb for the reception of wooden or stone

statues, so that they might be kept out of sight and safe from all

indiscreet curiosity. Other effigies were placed in the chambers of the

tomb or the courts in front of it. Finally, we know that persons of

consideration obtained from the king permission to erect statues in

the temples, where they were protected by the sanctity of the place

and the vigilance of the priests.[130]

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Fig. 89.—Sekhem-ka, his wife Ata, and his son Khnem, in the

style of the 5th dynasty. Limestone. From the Louvre.

From the point of view of the ancient Egyptians such precautions

were by no means futile. Many of these effigies have come down to

us safely through fifty or sixty centuries and have found an asylum in

our museums where they have nothing to fear but the slow effects of

climate and time. Those which remain intact may therefore count

upon immortality. If the double required nothing to preserve it from

annihilation but the continued existence of the image, that of

Chephren, the builder of the second great pyramid, would be still

alive, preserved by the magnificent statue of diorite which is the glory

of Boulak, and thanks to the durability

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of its material, it would have every chance of lasting as long as the

world itself. But, unhappily for the shade of Pharaoh, this posthumous

existence which is so difficult of comprehension to us, was only to be

prolonged by attention to conditions most of which could not long

continue to be observed.

Fig. 90.—Stele of Nefer-oun. Boulak.

It was entirely a material life. The dead-alive had need of food and

drink, which he obtained from supplies placed beside him in the

tomb,[131] and afterwards, when these were consumed, by the 143

repasts which took place periodically in the tomb, of which he had his

share. The first of these feasts was given upon the conclusion of the

funeral ceremonies,[132] and they were repeated from year to year on days fixed by tradition and sometimes by the expressed wish of the

deceased.[133] An open and public chamber was contrived in the tomb for the celebration of these anniversaries. It was a kind of chapel, or,

perhaps, to speak more accurately, a saloon in which all the relations

and friends of the deceased could find room. At the foot of the stele

upon which the dead man was represented sacrificing to Osiris, the

god of the dead, was placed a table for offerings, upon which the

share intended for the double was deposited and the libations

poured. A conduit was reserved in the thickness of the wall by which

the odour of the roast meats and perfumed fruits and the smoke of

the incense might reach the concealed statues.[134]

Fig. 91.—Preparation of the victims and arrival of funeral gifts,

5th dynasty. Height of each band, 13-1/2 inches. Boulak. Drawn

by Bourgoin.

The Egyptians did not trust only to the piety of their descendants to

preserve them from a final death by inanition in their neglected

tombs. At the end of a few generations that piety might grow cold and

relax its care; besides, a family might become

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extinct. All those who could afford it provided against such

contingencies as these by giving their tombs what we now call a

perpetual foundation. They devoted to the purpose the revenues of

some part of their property, which was also charged with the

maintenance of the priest or priests who had to perform the

ceremonial rites which we have described.[135] We find that, even under the Ptolemies, special ministers were attached to the

sepulchral chapel of Cheops, the builder of the great pyramid.[136] It may seem difficult to believe that a "foundation" of the ancient empire

should have survived so many changes of régime, but the honours

paid to the early kings had become one of the national institutions of

Egypt. Each restoring sovereign made it a point of duty to give

renewed life to the worship of those remote princes who represented

the first glories of the national history.

Fig. 92.—Table for offerings. Louvre.

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Besides which there were priests attached to each necropolis, who,

for certain fees, officiated at each tomb in turn. They were identified

by Mariette upon some of the bas-reliefs at Sakkarah. Their services

were retained much in the same way as masses are bought in our

days.[137]

Fig. 93.—Another form of the table for offerings. Boulak.

The same sentiment led to the burial with the dead of all arms,

clothes, jewels, and other objects of which they might have need in

the next life. We know what treasures of this kind have been obtained

from the Egyptian tombs and how they fill the cases of our museums.

But neither was this habit peculiar to Egypt. It was common to all

ancient people whether civilized or barbarous. Traces are to be found

even in the early traditions of the Hellenic race of a time when, like

those Scythians described by Herodotus,[138] the Greeks sacrificed, at the death of a chief, his wives and servants that they might

accompany him to the next world. When she began to reveal herself

in the arts Egypt was already too far civilized for such practices as

these; thanks to the simultaneous development of science, art and

religion, she found means to give the same advantages to her dead

without permitting Scythian cruelties. Those personal attendants and

domestic officers whose services would be so necessary in another

life, were secured to them at a small expense; instead of slaying them

at the door of the tomb, they were represented upon its walls in all the

variety of their occupations and in the actual moment of labour. So

too with all objects of luxury or necessity which the double would wish

to have at hand, as for instance his food and drink.[139]

A custom which would seem to have established itself a little later

may be referred to the same desire; we mean the habit of placing in

the tomb those statuettes which we meet with in such vast numbers

after the commencement of the second Theban Empire.[140] Mariette obtained some from tombs of the twelfth

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dynasty, and the sixth chapter of the Book of the Dead, which is

engraved upon them, seems to be one of the most ancient.

Egyptologists are now inclined to believe that the essential parts of

this ritual date back as far as the Memphite period.

Fig. 94.—Labourers heaping up ears of corn, from a tomb at

Gizeh. ( Description de l'Égypte. )

These statuettes are of different sizes and materials. As a rule they

do not exceed from eight to twelve inches, but there are a few which

are three feet or more in height. Some are in wood, some in

limestone, and some in granite, but as a rule they are made of that

kind of terra cotta which, when covered with green or blue enamel,

has been called Egyptian porcelain. They are like a mummy in

appearance; their hands are crossed upon the breast and hold

instruments of agriculture such as hoes and picks, and a sack meant

for grain hangs from their shoulders. The meaning of all this is to be

sought in the Egyptian notions of a future life; it is also explained by

the picture in chapter XC. of the Ritual, which shows us the dead

tilling, sowing and harvesting in the fields of the other world. The texts

of the Ritual and of certain inscriptions call these little figures oushebti

or answerers from the verb ousheb, to answer. It is therefore easy

147

to divine the part attributed to them by the popular imagination. They

answered to the name traced upon the tomb and acted as substitute

for its tenant in the cultivation of the subterranean regions.[141] With the help of the attendants painted and sculptured upon the walls they

saved him from fatigue and from the chance of want. This is another

branch of the same old idea. In his desire to take

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every precaution against the misery and final annihilation which

would result from abandonment, the Egyptian thought he could never

go too far in furnishing, provisioning and peopling his tomb.

Figs. 95, 96.—Sepulchral statuettes, from the Louvre.

The ingenuity of their contrivances is extraordinary. Food in its natural

state would not keep, and various accidents, might, as we have

shown, lead to the death of the double by inanition. It was the same

with furniture and clothes; the narrow dimensions of the tomb,

moreover, would forbid the accumulation there of everything which its

sombre tenant might desire. On the other hand the funerary

statuettes were made of the most indestructible materials and the

bas-reliefs and paintings were one with the thick walls of stone or

living rock. These have survived practically unaltered until our day.

We visited the tomb of Ti a short time after its chambers had been

opened and cleared. It was marvellous to see how form and colour

had been preserved intact and fresh under the sand, and this work

which was four or five thousand years old seemed to be but lately

finished. By the brightness of their colours and the sharp precision of

their contours these charming reliefs had the effect of a newly struck

medal. Such scenes from the daily life of the people continued to be

figured upon Egyptian tombs from the old empire to the new. When

their study and comparison were first begun different explanations

were put forward. Some believed that they were an illustrated

biography of the deceased, a representation of his achievements or

of those over which he had presided during the course of his mortal

life; others saw in them an illustration of his future life, a setting forth

of the joys and pleasures of the Egyptian Elysium.

Both these interpretations have had to give way before the critical

examination of the pictures themselves and the decipherment of their

accompanying inscriptions. It was soon perceived, through

comparisons easily made, that these scenes were not anecdotic. On

a few very rare occasions they seem to be connected with

circumstances peculiar to the inhabitant of the tomb. There are a few

steles and tombs upon which the dead man seems to have caused

his services to be described, with the object, no doubt, of continuing

in the next world his career of honour and success in this. Such an

inscription is so far biographical, and a similar spirit may extend to the

decorations of the stele and walls of the tomb. As an example of such

narrative epigraphs we may cite the long inscription of Ouna, which

gives us the life of a sort of grand-vizier to the two first Kings of the

sixth dynasty;[142] also the inscriptions upon the tombs of those feudal princes who were buried at Beni-Hassan. In the latter there are

historical representations as commentaries upon the text. Among

these is the often reproduced painting of a band of Asiatic emigrants

bringing presents to the prince and demanding, perhaps, a supply of

wheat in return, like the Hebrews in the time of Jacob.

Fig. 97.—Vignette from a Ritual upon papyrus, in the Louvre.

Chap. XC., 20th dynasty.

But all this is exceptional. As a rule the same subjects occur upon the

tombs again and again, in the persistent fashion which characterizes

traditional themes. The figures by which the flocks and herds and

other possessions of the deceased were numbered are too great for

literal truth.[143] On the other hand the pictured tradesmen and artificers, from the labourer, the baker, and the butcher up to the

sculptor, seem to apply themselves to their work with an energy

which excludes the notion of ideal felicity. They, one and all, labour

conscientiously, and we feel that they are carrying out a task which

has been imposed upon them as a duty.

For whose benefit do they take all this trouble? If we attempt to enter

into the minds of the people who traced these images and compare

the pictured representations with the texts which accompany them,

we shall be enabled to answer that question. Let us take by chance

any one of the inscriptions which accompany the scenes figured upon

the famous tomb of Ti, and here is what we find. "To see the picking

and pressing of the grape and all the labours of the country." Again,

"To see the picking of the flax, the reaping of the corn, the transport

upon donkeys, the stacking of the crops of the tomb." Again, "Ti sees

the stalls of the oxen and of the small animals, the gutters and water-

channels of the tomb."

It is for the dead that the vintage takes place, that the flax is picked,

that the wheat is threshed, that oxen are driven into the fields, that

the soil is ploughed and irrigated. It is for the supply of his wants that

all these sturdy arms are employed.

We shall leave M. Maspero to sum up the ideas which presided at the

construction of the Egyptian tomb, but first we must draw

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our readers' notice to the fact that he, more than once, alludes to a

conception of the future life which differs somewhat from the early

Egyptian notions, and belongs rather to the Second Theban Empire

and its successors.

Fig. 98.—Arrival in Egypt of a company of Asiatic

emigrants(Champollion, pls. 362, 393).

Fig. 98, Continued.—Arrival in Egypt of a company of Asiatic

emigrants(Champollion, pls. 362, 393).

"The scenes chosen for the decoration of tomb walls had a magic

intention; whether drawn from civil life in the world or from that of

Hades, they were meant to preserve the dead from danger and to

insure him a happy existence beyond the tomb.... Their reproduction

upon the walls of the sepulchre guaranteed the performance of the

acts represented. The double shut up in his σύριγξ[144] saw himself going to the chase upon the surrounding walls and he went to the

chase; eating and drinking with his wife, and he ate and drank with

her; crossing in safety the terrible gulfs of the lower world in the

barque of the gods, and he crossed them in safety. The tilling,

reaping, and housing on his walls were for him real tilling, reaping,

and housing. So, too, the statuettes placed in his tomb carried out for

him under magic

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influence all the work of the fields, and, like the sorcerer's pestle in

Goethe's ballad, drew water for him and carried grain. The workmen

painted in his papyri made shoes for him and cooked his food; they

carried him to hunt in the deserts or to fish in the marshes. And, after

all, the world of vassals upon the sides of the sepulchre was as real

as the double for which they laboured; the picture of a slave might

well satisfy the shadow of a master. The Egyptian thought that by

filling his tomb with pictures he insured the reality of all the objects,

people, and scenes represented in another world, and he was thus

encouraged to construct his tomb while he was yet alive. Relations,

too, thought that they were doing a service to the deceased when

they carried out all the mysterious ceremonies which accompanied

his burial. The certainty that they had been the cause of some benefit

to him consoled and supported them on their return from the

cemetery where they had left their regretted dead in possession of his

imaginary domain. "[145]

Such a belief is astonishing to us; it demands an effort of the

imagination to which we moderns are in no way equal. We have great

difficulty in realising a state of mind so different from what ours has

become after centuries of progress and thought. Those early races

had neither a long enough experience of things, nor a

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sufficiently capable power of reflection to enable them to distinguish

the possible from the impossible. They did not appreciate the

difference between living things and those which we call inanimate.

They endowed all things about them with souls like their own. They

found no more difficulty in giving life to their carved and painted

domestics, than to the mummy or statue of the deceased, or to the

phantom which they called the double. Is it not natural to the child to

take revenge upon the table against which he hurts himself, or to

speak tenderly to the doll which he holds in his arms?

Fig. 99.—The tomb of Ti; women, representing the lands of the

deceased, carrying the funeral gifts.

This power to endow all things with life and personality is now

reserved for the poet and the infant, but in the primitive days of

civilization it belonged to all people alike. Imagination had then a

power over a whole race which in our days is the gift of great poets

alone. In the efforts which they made to forestall the wants of the

helpless dead, they were not content with providing the food and

furniture which we find upon the walls. They had a secret impression

that these might be insufficient for wants renewed through eternity,

and they made another step upon the way upon which they had

embarked. By a still more curious and still bolder fiction than those

which had gone before, they attributed to prayer

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the power of multiplying, by the use of a few magic sentences, all

objects of the first necessity to the inhabitants of the tomb.

Every sepulchre has a stele, that is to say, an upright stone tablet

which varied in form and place in different epochs, but always served

the same purpose and had the same general character. Most of these

steles were adorned with painting and sculpture; all of them had more

or less complicated inscriptions.[146] In the semicircle which forms the upper part of most of these inscribed slabs, the dead person,

accompanied by his family, presents offerings to a god, who is usually

Osiris. Under this an inscription is carved after an unchanging

formula: "Offering to Osiris (or to some other deity, as the case may

be) in order that he may give provision of bread, liquid, beef, geese,

milk, wine, beer, clothes, perfumes, and all good and pure things

upon which the god subsists, to the ka of N..., son of M...." Below this

the defunct is often shown in the act of himself receiving the offerings

of his family. In both divisions the objects figured are looked upon as

real, as in the wall decorations. In the lower division they are offered

directly to him who is to profit by them; in the upper, the god is

charged to see that they are delivered to the right address. The

provisions which the god is asked to pass on to the defunct are first

presented to him; by the intervention of Osiris the doubles of bread,

meat and drink pass into the other world to nourish the double of

man. But it was not essential for the gift to be effective that it should

be real, or even quasi-real; that its image should even be given in

paint or stone. The first-comer could procure all things necessary for

the deceased by their enumeration in the proper form. We find

therefore that many Egyptians caused the following invocation to

passing strangers, to be engraved upon their tombs:

"Oh you who still exist upon the earth, whether you be private

individuals, priests, scribes, or ministers entering into this tomb, if you

love life and do not know death, if you wish to be in favour with the

gods of your cities and to avoid the terrors of the other world, if you

wish to be entombed in your own sepulchres and to transmit your

dignities to your children, you must if you be scribes, recite the words

inscribed upon this stone, or, if not, you must listen to their recital:

say, offering to Amen, master of Karnak, that he may give thousands

of loaves of bread, thousands

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of jars of drink, thousands of oxen, thousands of geese, thousands of

garments, thousands of all good and pure things to the ka, or double,

of the prince Entef."[147]

Thanks to all these subtle precautions, and to the goodwill with which

the Egyptian intellect lent itself to their bold fictions, the tomb

deserved the name it received, the ho