A History of Art in Ancient Egypt by Perrot and Chipiez - HTML preview

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This was perceived by Goethe. In art, as in natural science, he divined

beforehand some of the discoveries of our century by the innate force of

his genius. He was not surprised by the discovery that the temples of

classic Sicily were painted in brilliant tones, which concealed the surface of

their stone and accentuated the leading lines of their architecture. He was

one of the first to accept the views of Hittorf and to proclaim that the

architects who had found traces of colours upon the mouldings of Greek

buildings were not deceiving themselves and others.

[111]

We borrow these expressions from M. Ch. Blanc, who, when in Egypt, was

very much struck with this phenomenon. "Those villages which approach in

colour to that Nile mud of which they are composed, hardly stand out at all

against the background, unless that be the sky itself or those sunny rocks

which reflect the light in such a fashion that they fatigue the most

accustomed eyes. I notice here, as I did in Greece, at Cape Sunium, that

cupolas and round towers have their modelling almost destroyed by the

strong reflections." ( Voyage de la Haute Égypte, 1876, p. 114).

[112]

Wilkinson thought there was always a layer of stucco, even upon the

beautiful granite of the obelisks ( Manners and Customs of the Ancient

Egyptians, 2nd ed., 1878, vol. ii. p. 286.) His statement must be treated

with great respect. During his long sojourn in Egypt he examined the

remains of the ancient civilisation with great care and patience, but yet we

think his opinion upon this point must be accepted with some reserve.

There are in the Louvre certain sarcophagi and other objects in hard stone,

upon which traces of colour are clearly visible on the sunk beds of the

figures and hieroglyphics, while not the slightest vestige of anything of the

kind is to be found upon the smooth surface around those carvings. But it

is certain that granite was often stuccoed over. Mariette has verified that it

was so on the obelisk of Hatasu at Thebes; both from the inscription and

the appearance of the monument itself he came to the conclusion that it

had been gilded from top to bottom, and that the gold had been laid upon a

coat of white stucco. "The plain surface," he says, "alone received this

costly decoration. It had been left slightly rough, but the hieroglyphs, which

had their beds most carefully polished, preserved the colour and surface of

the granite." ( Itinéraire, p. 178.) As for buildings of limestone or sandstone,

like the temples of Thebes, they are always coated.

[113]

Apropos of the Temple of Khons, Jollois and Devilliers ( Description

générale de Thébes, ch. ix.) remark: "It was upon this coat that the

hieroglyphs and figures were sculptured.... The contour of the figures is

sometimes marked upon the stone beneath, because the depth of the

cutting is greater than the thickness of the stucco."

[114]

" Conférence sur l'Histoire des Âmes dans l'Égypte ancienne, d'après les

Monuments du Musée du Louvre," in the Bulletin hebdomadaire de

l'Association scientifique de France, No. 594. M. Maspero has often and

exhaustively treated this subject, especially in his numerous lectures at the

Collège de France. Those lectures afforded the material for the remarkable

paper in the Journal asiatique entitled, " Étude sur quelques Peintures et

sur quelques Textes relatifs aux Funérailles" (numbers for May, June,

1878, for December-June, and November, December, 1879, and May-

June, 1880). These articles have been republished in a single volume with

important corrections and additions (Maisonneuve, 1880).

[115]

Or ba.—Ed.

[116]

Conférence, p. 381. Mr. Herbert Spencer, in the first chapters of his

Principles of Sociology, has given a curious and plausible explanation of

how this conception of a double was formed. He finds its origin chiefly in

the phenomena of sleep, of dreams, and of the faintness caused by

wounds or illness. He shows how these more or less transitory

suspensions of animation led men to suppose that death was nothing but a

prolonged interruption of life. He also thinks that the actual shadow cast by

a man's body contributed to the formation of that belief. But had it no other

elements which belonged to the general disposition of humanity in those

early periods of intellectual life? Into that question we cannot enter here

further than to say that Mr. Spencer's pages make us acquainted with

numerous facts which prove that the beliefs in question were not confined

to a single race, but were common to all humanity.

[117]

This expression, which is very common in the Egyptian texts, seems to

have made a great impression upon the Greek travellers. The following

passage of Diodorus is well known: "This refers to the beliefs of the

natives, who look upon the life upon earth as a thing of minor importance,

but set a high value upon those virtues of which the memory is

perpetuated after death. They call their houses hotels, in view of the short

time they have to spend in them, while they call their tombs their eternal

dwellings" (i. 51).

[118]

The dead were put under the protection of, and, as it were, combined with,

Osiris; they talked of the Osiris so and so in naming one who was dead.

[119]

Εἴδωλα καμόντων ( Il. xxiii. 72; Od. xi. 476; xxiv. 14).

[120]

This belief is clearly stated in a passage from Cicero quoted by Fustel:

"Sub terrâ censebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum" ( Tusc. i. 16). This

belief was so strong that it subsisted even after the universal establishment

of the custom of burning the bodies of the dead.

[121]

Texts to this effect abound. Fustel brought the more remarkable of them

together in his Cité antique (p. 14). We shall be content with quoting three:

"Son of Peleus," said Neoptolemus, "take this drink which is grateful to the

dead; come and drink this blood" (Hecuba, 536). Electra says when she

pours a libation: "This drink has penetrated the earth; my father has

received it" (Choephorœ, 162). And listen to the prayer of Orestes to his

dead father: "Oh my father, if I live thou shalt have rich banquets; if I die

thou wilt have no portion of those smoking feasts which nourish the dead"

(Choephorœ, 482-484). Upon the strange persistence of this belief, traces

of which are still found in Eastern Europe, in Albania, in Thessaly, and

Epirus, the works of Heuzey ( Mission archéologique de Macédoine, p.

156), and Albert Dumont ( le Balkan et l'Adriatique, pp. 354-356), may be

consulted. Some curious details relating to the funeral feasts of the

Chinese are to be found in the Comptes rendus de l'Académie des

Inscriptions, 1877, p. 325. There are some striking points of resemblance

between the religion of China and that of ancient Egypt; in both one and

the other the same want of power to develop may be found. Taking them

as a whole, both the Chinese and the Egyptians failed to emerge from the

condition of fetichism.

[122]

In the eleventh book of the Odyssey it is only after "they have drunk deep

draughts of black blood" that the shades are capable of recognising

Ulysses, of understanding what he says and answering. The blood they

swallowed restored their intelligence and powers of thought.

[123]

The speeches of the Greek orators are full of proofs that these beliefs had

a great hold upon the popular mind, even as late as the time of

Demosthenes. In contested cases of adoption they always laid great stress

upon the dangers which would menace the city if a family was allowed to

become extinct for want of precautions against the failure of the hereditary

line; there would then be some neglected tomb where the dead never

received the visits of gift-bringing friends, a neglect which would be visited

upon the city as a whole as the accomplice in such abandonment. Such an

argument and others like it may not seem to us to be of great judicial

value, but the talent of an Isæus understood how to make it tell with an

audience, or we should not find it so often repeated in his pleadings (see

G. Perrot, L'Éloquence politique et judiciare à Athènes. Les Précurseurs de

Demosthène, pp. 359-364).

[124]

Seventh edition, Hachette, 18mo., 1879.

[125]

Mr. Herbert Spencer, in his ingenious and subtle analysis of primitive ideas

draws our attention to their frequent inconsistencies and even positive

contradictions; but he shows us at the same time that the most highly

civilised races in these modern days admit and combine ideas which are

logically quite as irreconcilable as those which seem to us so absurdly

inconsistent when we think of the beliefs of the ancients or of savage

races. Custom renders us insensible to contradictions which we should

perceive at once were we removed to a distance from them. ( The

Principles of Sociology, vol. i. pp. 119, 185).

[126]

The texts also bear witness to the ideas with which the complicated

processes of embalming were undertaken. See P. Pierret, Le Dogme de la

la Résurrection, &c., p. 10. "It was necessary that no member, no

substance, should be wanting at the final summons; resurrection depended

on that." " Thou countest thy members which are complete and intact. "

(Egyptian funerary text.) "Arise in To-deser (the sacred region in which the

renewal of life is prepared), thou august and coffined mummy. Thy bones

and thy substance are re-united with thy flesh, and thy flesh is again in its

place; thy head is replaced upon thy neck, thy heart is ready for thee."

(Osirian statue in the Louvre.) The dead took care to demand of the gods

" that the earth should not bite him, that the soil should not consume him."

(Mariette, Feuilles d'Abydos.) The preservation of the body must therefore

have been an object of solicitude at the earliest times, but the art of

embalming did not attain perfection until the Theban period. Under the

ancient empire men were content with comparatively simple methods.

Mariette says that "more examples would have to be brought together than

he had been able to discover before the question of mummification under

the ancient empire could be decided. It is certain, first, that no authentic

piece of mummy cloth from that period is now extant; secondly, that the

bones found in the sarcophagi have the brownish colour and the

bituminous smell of mummies.

"Not more than five or six inviolate sarcophagi have been found. On each

of these occasions the corpse has been discovered in the skeleton state.

And as for linen, nothing beyond a little dust upon the bottom of the

sarcophagus, which might be the débris of many other things than of a

linen shroud." ( Les Tombes de l'Ancien Empire, p. 16.)

[127]

Passalacqua gives the following description of the mummy of a young

woman which he discovered at Thebes: "Her hair and the rotundity and

surprising regularity of her form showed me that she had been a beauty in

her time, and that she had died in the flower of her youth." He then gives a

minute description of her condition and ornaments, and concludes by

saying that "the peculiar beauty of the proportions of this mummy, and its

perfect preservation, had so greatly impressed the Arabs themselves that

they had exhumed it more than once to show to their wives and

neighbours." ( Catalogue raisonné et historique des Antiquités découvertes

en Égypte, 8vo. 1826.)

[128]

Rhind describes several mummy-pits in the necropolis of Thebes which

receive the water of the Nile by infiltration; but, as he himself remarks, this

is because those who dug them did not foresee the gradual raising of the

valley, and, consequently, of the level attained in recent ages by the waters

of the Nile. It is doubtless only within the last few centuries that the water

has penetrated into these tombs. ( Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants, p.

153.)

[129]

Maspero, Conférence, p. 381.

[130]

Maspero, Notes sur différentes Points de Grammaire et d'Histoire, p. 155.

(In the Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie

Égyptienne et Assyrienne, vol. i.)

[131]

Jars, which seem to have been once filled with water, are found in many

tombs of all epochs. Different kinds of dates are also found, together with

the fruit of the sycamore, corn, cakes, &c. See the Catalogue of

Passalacqua, pp. 123, 151, and elsewhere. Quarters of meat have also

been found in them, which are easily recognised by their well-preserved

bones.

[132]

Maspero, Études sur quelques Peintures funéraires, in the Journal

Asiatique, May-June, 1880, p. 387, et seq.

[133]

In one of the great inscriptions at Beni-Hassan, recently translated anew

both by M. Maspero and Professor Birch, Chnoumhotep speaks thus: "I

caused to prosper the name of my father. I completed the existing temples

of the Ka. I served my statues at the great temples. I sacrificed to them

their food, bread, beer, water, vegetables, pure herbs. My priest has

verified (I chose a priest for the Ka,—Maspero). I procured them from the

irrigation of my work-people (I made him master of fields and slaves,—

Maspero). I ordered the sepulchral offerings of bread, beer, cattle, fowl, in

all the festivals of Karneter, at the festivals of the beginning of the year, the

opening of the year, increase of the year, diminution of the year (little

year,—Brugsch and Maspero), close of the year, at the great festival, at the

festival of the great burning, at the festival of the lesser burning, the five

intercalary days, at the festival of bread making (of the entry of grain,—

Maspero) at the twelve monthly and half monthly festivals, all the festivals

on the earth (plain), terminating on the hill (of Anubis). But should my

sepulchral priest or men conduct them wrongly may he not exist, nor his

son in his place."—Birch, Records of the Past, vol. xii. p. 71.—Ed.

[134]

In each opening of the serdab in the tomb of Ti, at Sakkarah, people,

probably relatives of the deceased, are represented in the act of burning

incense in a contrivance which resembles in form the θυμιατήριον of the

Greek monuments. (Mariette, Notice des principaux Monuments de

Boulak, p. 27, note 1.)

[135]

See the paper by M. Maspero upon the great inscription at Siout, which

has preserved for us a contract between Prince Hapi-Toufi and the priests

of Ap-Môtennou, by which offerings should be regularly made to the

prince's statue, which was deposited in a temple at Siout. ( Transactions of

the Society of Biblical Archæology, vol. vii. pp. 1-32.)

[136]

It was the same in the case of a still older king, Seneferu, the founder of

the fourth dynasty. (De Rougé, Recherches sur les Monuments que l'on

peut attribuer aux six premières Dynasties de Manéthon, p. 41.)

[137]

Tombes de l'Ancien Empire, p. 87.

[138]

Herodotus, iv. 71, 72.

[139]

In a few rare cases the objects destined for the nourishment of the double

are represented in the round instead of being painted upon the wall. In the

tomb of the personage called Atta, a wooden table, supporting terra-cotta

vases and plucked geese carved in calcareous stone, has been found.

(Mariette, Tombes de l'Ancien Empire, p. 17.) The vases must have been

full of water when they were placed in the tomb; the stone geese may be

compared to the papier-mâché loaves of the modern stage.

[140]

All Egyptian collections contain coffers of painted wood, often decorated in

the most brilliant fashion, which served to hold these statues when they

were placed in the tomb. The size and the richness of their ornament

depended upon the wealth of the deceased for who they were made.

[141]

Pietschmann ( Der Egyptische Fetischdienst, &c., p. 155), has well grasped

the character and significance of these statuettes. Conf. Pierret,

Dictionnaire d'Archéologie égyptienne, vol. v. See also, in connection with

the personality attributed to them and to the services which were expected

from them, a note by M. Maspero, Sur une Tablette appartenant à M.

Rogers. ( Recueil de Travaux, vol. ii. p. 12.)

[142]

De Rougé, Mémoire sur les Monuments des six premières Dynasties (p.

80 et seq. ). Conf. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, pp. 88-92.

[143]

See Mariette, Tombes de l'Ancien Empire, p. 88.

[144]

This word, σύριγξ (flute), was employed by the Greeks to designate those

long subterranean galleries cut in the rock of the necropolis at Thebes, in

the valley called the Valley of the Kings; modern egyptologists apply it in a

more general sense to all tombs cut deeply into the flanks of the mountain.

For the reason which led the Greeks to adopt a term which now seems

rather fantastic, see Pierret, Dictionnaire d'Archéologie égyptienne. The

chief passages in ancient authors in which the term is applied either to the

subterranean excavations of Egypt or to other galleries of the same kind,

are brought together by Jomard in the third volume of the Description

( Antiquités, vol. iii. pp. 12-14).

[145]

Journal asiatique, May-June, 1880, pp. 419, 420.

[146]

See above, Figs. 87 and 91.

[147]

We borrow the translation of this inscription, as well as the reflections

which precede it, from M. Maspero ( Conférence, p. 382). According to M.

de Rougé, it dates from about the twelfth dynasty. An invocation of the

same kind is to be found in another epigraph of the same period, the

inscription of Amoni-Amenemhaït, hereditary prince of the nome of Meh, at

Beni-Hassan. See Maspero, La Grande Inscription de Beni-Hassan, p. 171

( Recueil de Travaux, etc., vol. i. 4to.).

[148]

Maspero, Conférence, p. 282.

[149]

Among the cemeteries of the right bank we may mention that of Tell-el-

Amarna; where the tombs would have been too far from the city had they

been dug in the Libyan Chain. The cemeteries