A History of Art in Ancient Egypt by Perrot and Chipiez - HTML preview

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with but a line on this subject: "Sais," he says, "especially worships Athenè

(Neith). The tomb of Psammitichos is in the very temple of that goddess"

(xvii. 18).

[277]

Herodotus affirms (ii. 129-132) that Mycerinus caused the body of his

daughter to be inclosed in the flank of a wooden cow, richly gilt, and he

says that "the cow in question was never placed in the earth." In his time it

was exposed to the view of all comers in a magnificently decorated saloon

of the royal palace of Sais. We may be allowed to suggest that Herodotus

was mistaken in the name of the prince; Mycerinus is not likely to have so

far abandoned all the funerary traditions of his time, or to have entombed

the body of his daughter in a spot so distant from his own pyramid at

Gizeh. There is one hypothesis, however, which may save us from the

necessity of once again accusing the Greek historian of misunderstanding

what was said to him; in their desire to weld together the present with the

past, and to collect into their capital such national monuments as might

appeal to the imaginations of their subjects, the Sait princes may have

transported such a curiously shaped sarcophagus either from the pyramid

of Mycerinus or from some small pyramid in its neighbourhood.

[278]

Herodotus, iii. 16. Upon this subject see an interesting article by M.

Eugène Revillout, entitled: Le Roi Amasis et les mercenaires Grecs, selon

les Donnés d'Hérodote et les Renseignements de la Chronique Démotique

de Paris. ( Revue Égyptologique, first year; p. 50 et seq. )

[279]

There are two passages in Herodotus (ii. 91, and 138) from which we may

infer that the Egyptians were fond of planting trees about their temples.

[280]

Lettres Écrites d'Égypte et de Nubie, 2nd edition, 1868, p. 41.

[281]

Similar structures exist in lower Chaldæa, and have furnished many

inscriptions of great interest and value to assyriologists.

[282]

Rhind, Thebes, etc. p. 51. Belzoni, Narrative of the Operations, etc. p. 167.

[283]

Rhind, p. 52. Among the mummified animals found at Thebes, Wilkinson

also mentions monkeys, sheep, cows, cats, crocodiles, etc. See Belzoni,

Narrative, p. 187.

[284]

When Mariette discovered the tomb of the Apis which had died in the

twenty-sixth year of the reign of Rameses II., the fingers of the Egyptian

mason who laid the last stone of the wall built across the entrance to the

tomb were found marked upon the cement, and "when I entered the

sarcophagus-chamber I found upon the thin layer of dust which covered

the floor the marks made by the naked feet of the workmen who had

placed the god in his last resting place 3,200 years before." (Quoted by

Rhôné in L'Égypte à Petites Journées, p. 239.)

[285]

We may take a few of those in the Boulak Museum at random: Ra-Hotep

(No. 590), Hathor-En-Khéou (588), Ra-Nefer (23), Ra-Our (25), Sokar-

Kha-Ca-u (993), Noum-Hotep (26), Hathor-Nefer (41), Ptah-Asses (500),

Ptah-Hotep, &c. The names of several deities are to be found in the

inscription upon the wooden coffin or mummy-case of Mycerinus, now in

the British Museum. (Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, p. 75). A priest of Apis is

mentioned upon a tomb of the fourth dynasty; Osiris is invoked in the

steles of the sixth dynasty. (Boulak Catalogue, No. 41.)

Amen, or Ammon, is never mentioned on the monuments of the Ancient

Empire; his first appearance is contemporary with the twelfth dynasty.

(Grébault, Hymne à Ammon-Ra, Introduction, part iii. p. 136.) This is

natural enough. Amen was a Theban god, and Thebes does not seem to

have existed in the time of the Ancient Empire.

[286]

Notice des principaux Monuments exposés dans les Galeries provisoires

du Musée d' ntiquités Égyptiennes à Boulak. (Edition of 1876, No. 582.)

[287]

The total height of the Sphinx is 66 feet; the ear is 6 feet 4 inches high; the

nose is 6 feet, the mouth 7 feet 9 inches, wide. The greatest width of the

face across the cheeks is 14 feet 2 inches. If cleared entirely of sand the

Sphinx would thus be higher than a five-storied house. For the history of

the Sphinx, the different restorations which it has undergone, and the

aspect which it has presented at different epochs, see Mariette, Questions

relatives aux nouvelles Fouilles. Our plan (Fig. 204) shows the wide flight of steps which was constructed in the time of Trajan to give access to a

landing constructed immediately in front of the fore-paws. Between these

paws a little temple was contrived, where the steles consecrated by

several of the Theban kings in honour of the Sphinx were arranged.

Caviglia was the first to bring all these matters to light, in 1817, but the

ensemble, as it now exists, only dates back to the Roman epoch. It is

curious that neither Herodotus, nor Diodorus, nor Strabo, mention the

Sphinx. Pliny speaks of it (N. H. xxxvi. 17); some of the information which

he obtained was valuable and authentic, but it was mixed with errors; it

was said to be, he tells us, the tomb of the king Armais, but he knows that

the whole figure was painted red. The Denkmæler of Lepsius (vol. i. pl. 30)

gives three sections and a plan of the little temple between the paws. The

same work (vol. v. pl. 68) contains a reproduction of the great stele of

Thothmes relative to the restoration of the Sphinx.

[288]

Champollion, Lettres d'Égypte et de Nubie, pp. 125, 143, and 166. Under

both the temples at Ombos, Champollion discovered remains of a building

of the time of Thothmes III. The same thing occurred at Edfou and at

Esneh. We except Philæ, because there is good reason to believe that in

the time of the Ancient Empire that island did not exist, and that the

cataract was then at Silsilis.

[289]

Strabo, xvii. 128: Οὐδὲν ἔχει χαρίεν ὀυδὲ γραφικόν, etc.

[290]

Lucian, § 3: Ἀξοάνοι νηοί, etc.

[291]

The piers are not quite equidistant; their spacing varies by some

centimetres. Exact symmetry has been sacrificed in consequence of the

different lengths of the stones which formed the architrave.

[292]

Mariette, Questions relatives aux nouvelles Fouilles à faire en Égypte.

( Académie des Inscriptions, Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Année,

1877, pp. 427-473.)

[293]

Itinéraire des Invités du Vice-roi, p. 99.

[294]

Bædeker, Guide to Lower Egypt, p. 350.

[295]

The actual distance is about 670 yards.

[296]

Mariette, Questions relatives aux nouvelles Fouilles, etc.

[297]

Description de l'Égypte, Ant. , vol. v. p. 654.

[298]

Belzoni, Narrative of the Operations, etc. pp. 261-2.

[299]

The little that now remains of the columns and foundations of the ancient

temple is marked in the plan which forms plate 6 of Mariette's Karnak, Fig.

a. In plate 8 the remains of all statues and inscriptions which date from the

same period are figured. See also pages 36, 37, and 41-45 of the text.

[300]

Mariette, Karnak, p. 4.

[301]

We may infer from what Mariette says that they were separated from one

another by a distance of 12 feet 4 inches.

[302]

Mariette, Karnak, p. 5. We find, however, that sphinxes were sometimes

placed in the interior of a temple. The two fine sphinxes in rose granite

which form the chief ornaments of the principal court of the Boulak

museum, were found in one of the inner halls of the temple at Karnak.

They date, probably, from the time of Thothmes III., to whom this part of

the building owes its existence.

[303]

Description, etc.; Description générale de Thèbes, section viii. § 1.

[304]

The wall of the principal inclosure at Denderah, that on the north, is not

less than 33 feet high, and between 30 and 40 thick at the base. Its surface

is perfectly smooth and naked, without ornament of any kind, or even

rough-cast. (Mariette, Denderah, p. 27.) At Karnak the bounding walls are

in a much worse state of preservation; they are ten or twelve centuries

older than those of Denderah, and those centuries have had their effect

upon the masses of crude brick. Our only means of estimating their original

height is by comparing, in the representations furnished to us by certain

bas-reliefs, the height of walls with that of the pylons on which they abut.

[305]

Mariette, Karnak, pp. 5, 6.

[306]

The word πυλών strictly means the place before the door (like θυρών), or

rather great door (upon the augmentative force of the suffix ών, ῶνος, see

Ad. Regnier, Traité de la Formation des Mots dans la Langue Grecque, §

184). Several passages in Polybius ( Thesaurus, s. v.) show that in the

military language of his time the term was employed to signify a fortified

doorway with its flanking towers and other defences. We may therefore

understand why Diodorus (i. 47) made use of it in his description of the so-

called tomb of Osymandias. Strabo (xvii. 1, 28) preferred to use the word

πρόπυλων. Modern usage has restricted the word propylœum to Greek

buildings, and pylon to the great doorways which form one of the most

striking features of Egyptian architecture.

[307]

We learn the part played by these masts and banners in Egyptian

decoration entirely from the representations in the bas-reliefs. The façade

of the temple of Khons is illustrated in one of the bas-reliefs upon the same

building. That relief was reproduced in the Description de l'Égypte (vol. iii.

pl. 57, Fig. 9), and is so well known that we refrained from giving it in these

pages. It shows the masts and banners in all their details. Another

representation of the same kind will be found in Cailliaud, Voyage à Méroé,

plates, vol. ii. pl. 64, Fig. 1. See in the text, vol. iii. p. 298. It is taken from a

rock-cut tomb between Dayr-el-Medinet and Medinet-Abou.

[308]

This plate (v.) is not a picturesque restoration; it is merely a map in relief.

Only those buildings are marked upon it which have left easily traceable

remains. No attempt has been made to reconstruct by conjecture any of

those edifices which are at present nothing but confused heaps of débris.

[309]

The obelisk of Ousourtesen at Heliopolis is 20·27 metres, or 67 feet 6

inches, high; the Luxor obelisk at Paris, 22·80 metres, or 76 feet; that in

the piazza before St. Peter's in Rome, 83 feet 9 inches; that of San

Giovanni Laterano, the tallest in Europe, is 107 feet 2 inches; and that of

Queen Hatasu, still standing amid the ruins at Karnak, 32·20 metres, or

107 feet 4 inches. This is the highest obelisk known. [The Cleopatra's

Needle on the Victoria Embankment is only 68 feet 2 inches high.—Ed.]

[310]

At Thebes, still existing inscriptions prove this to be the case, and at

Memphis the same custom obtained, as we know from the statements of

the Greek travellers. The temple of Ptah—the site of which seems to be

determined by the colossal statue of Rameses which still lies there upon its

face—must have rivalled Karnak in extent and in the number of its

successive additions. According to Diodorus (i. 50) it was Mœris

(Amenemhat III.) who built the southern propylons of this temple, which,

according to the same authority, surpassed all their rivals in magnificence.

At a much later period, Sesostris (a Rameses) erected several colossal

monoliths, from 20 to 30 cubits high, in front of the same temple (Diodorus,

cap. lvii.; Herodotus, ii. 140); at the same time he must have raised

obelisks and constructed courts and pylons. Herodotus attributes to two

other kings, whom he names Rhampsinite and Asychis, the construction of

two more pylons on the eastern and western sides of the temple (ii. 121

and 136). Finally Psemethek I. built the southern propylons and the

pavilion where the Apis was nursed after his first discovery. (Herodotus, ii.

153.)

[311]

Strabo, xvii, 1, 28.

[312]

This is the temple which the members of the Egyptian institute call the

Great Southern Temple. In the background of our illustration (Fig. 208) the hypostyle hall and the southern pylons of the Great Temple are seen.

[313]

Τοῦ δὲ προνάου παρ' ἑκάτερον πρόκειται τὰ λεγόμενα πτερά· ἔστι δὲ ταῦτα

ἰσοΰψη τῷ ναῷ τείχη δύο, κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν ἀφεστῶτα ἀπ' ἀλλήλων μικρὸν

πλέον, ἢ τὸ πλάτος ἐστὶ τῆς κρηπῖδος τοῦ νεώ, ἔπειτ' εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν

προϊόντι κατ' ἐπινευούσας γραμμὰς μέχρι πηχῶν πεντήκοντα ἢ

ἑξήκοντα.—Strabo, xvii, 1, 28.

[314]

Description de l'Égypte, Antiquités, vol. i. pl. 5.

[315]

Description de l'Égypte, vol. iii. 55.

[316]

According to Gau, there was, in 1817, a well preserved tabernacle in the

sanctuary of the temple at Debout, in Nubia. ( Antiquités de la Nubie, 1821,

pl. v. Figs. A and B.)

[317]

De Rougé, Notice des Monuments, etc. (Upon the ground floor and the

staircase.) Monuments Divers, No. 29. The term naos has generally been

applied to these monuments, but it seems to us to lack precision. The

Greeks used the word ναός or νεώς to signify the temple as a whole. Abd-

el-Latif describes with great admiration a monolithic tabernacle which

existed in his time among the ruins of Memphis, and was called by the

Egyptians the Green Chamber. Makrizi tells us that it was broken up in

1349. ( Description de l'Égypte, Ant. , vol. v. pp. 572, 573.)

[318]

Herodotus, ii. 175.

[319]

Translated by Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, p. 385. The whole inscription

has been translated into English by the Rev. T. C. Cook, and published in

vol. ii. of Records of the Past.—Ed.

[320]

As M. Maspero has remarked ( Annuaire de l'Association des Études

Grecques, 1877, p. 135), these secret passages remind us of the movable

stone which, according to Herodotus (ii. 121), the architect of Rhampsinit

contrived in the wall of the royal treasure-house which he was

commissioned to build. Herodotus's story was at least founded upon fact,

as the arrangement in question was a favourite one with Egyptian

constructors.

[321]

Ἀναγλυφὰς δ' ἔχουσιν οἱ τοῖχοι οὗτοι μεγάλων εἰδώλων (Strabo, xvii, 1, 28).

[322]

Description de l'Égypte, Antiquités, vol. i. p. 219. The authors of the

Description générale de Thèbes noticed recesses sunk in the external face

of one of the pylons at Karnak, which they believed to be intended to

receive the leaves of the great door when it was open (p. 234); they also

noticed traces of bronze pivots upon which the doors swung (p. 248), and

they actually found a pivot of sycamore wood.

[323]

These measurements are taken from Mariette, Voyage dans la Haute-

Égypte, vol. ii. p. 7.

[324]

We have not given a general map. In order to do so we should either have

had to overpass the limits of our page, or we should have had to give it

upon too small a scale. Our fourth plate will give a sufficiently accurate

idea of its arrangement. The plan in Lepsius's Denkmæler (part i. pl. 74-76)

occupies three entire pages.

[325]

Diodorus, i. 46.

[326]

These are the figures given by Mariette ( Itinéraire de la Haute-Égypte, p.

135). Other authorities give 340 feet by 177. Diodorus ascribed to the

temple of which he spoke a height of 45 cubits (or 69 feet 3 inches). This is

slightly below the true height. We may here quote the terms in which

Champollion describes the impression which a first sight of these ruins

made upon him: "Finally I went to the palace, or rather to the town of

palaces, at Karnak. There all the magnificence of the Pharaohs is

collected; there the greatest artistic conceptions formed and realised by

mankind are to be seen. All that I had seen at Thebes, all that I had

enthusiastically admired on the left bank of the river, sunk into

insignificance before the gigantic structures among which I found myself. I

shall not attempt to describe what I saw. If my expressions were to convey

but a thousandth part of what I felt, a thousandth part of all that might with

truth be said of such objects, if I succeeded in tracing but a faint sketch, in

the dimmest colours, of the marvels of Karnak, I should be taken, at least

for an enthusiast, perhaps for a madman. I shall content myself with saying

that no people, either ancient or modern, have had a national architecture

at once so sublime in scale, so grand in expression, and so free from

littleness as that of the ancient Egyptians." ( Lettres d'Égypte, pp. 79, 80.)

[327]

Including a postern of comparatively small dimensions, there are five

doorways to the hypostyle hall.—Ed.

[328]

A plan of the successive accretions is given in plates 6 and 7 of Mariette's

work. The different periods and their work are shown by changes of tint.

The same information is given in another form in pages 36 and 37 of the

text. The complete title