Robert Browning by GK Chesterson - HTML preview

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CHAPTER III

BROWNING AND HIS MARRIAGE

Robert Browning had his faults, and the general direction of those faults has been previously suggested. The chief of his

faults, a certain uncontrollable brutality of speech and gesture when he was strongly roused, was destined to cling to him

all through his life, and to startle with the blaze of a volcano even the last quiet years before his death. But any one who

wishes to understand how deep was the elemental honesty and reality of his character, how profoundly worthy he was of

any love that was bestowed upon him, need only study one most striking and determining element in the question—

Browning’s simple, heartfelt, and unlimited admiration for other people. He was one of a generation of great men, of great

men who had a certain peculiar type, certain peculiar merits and defects. Carlyle, Tennyson, Ruskin, Matthew Arnold,

were alike in being children of a very strenuous and conscientious age, alike in possessing its earnestness and air of

deciding great matters, alike also in showing a certain almost noble jealousy, a certain restlessness, a certain fear of

other influences. Browning alone had no fear; he welcomed, evidently without the least affectation, all the influences of

his day. A very interesting letter of his remains in which he describes his pleasure in a university dinner. "Praise," he says

in effect, "was given very deservedly to Matthew Arnold and Swinburne, and to that pride of Oxford men, Clough." The

really striking thing about these three names is the fact that they are united in Browning’s praise in a way in which they

are by no means united in each other’s. Matthew Arnold, in one of his extant letters, calls Swinburne "a young pseudo–

Shelley," who, according to Arnold, thinks he can make Greek plays good by making them modern. Mr. Swinburne, on

the other hand, has summarised Clough in a contemptuous rhyme:—

"There was a bad poet named Clough,

Whom his friends all united to puff.

But the public, though dull,

Has not quite such a skull

As belongs to believers in Clough."

The same general fact will be found through the whole of Browning’s life and critical attitude. He adored Shelley, and

also Carlyle who sneered at him. He delighted in Mill, and also in Ruskin who rebelled against Mill. He excused

Napoleon III. and Landor who hurled interminable curses against Napoleon. He admired all the cycle of great men who all

contemned each other. To say that he had no streak of envy in his nature would be true, but unfair; for there is no

justification for attributing any of these great men’s opinions to envy. But Browning was really unique, in that he had a

certain spontaneous and unthinking tendency to the admiration of others. He admired another poet as he admired a

fading sunset or a chance spring leaf. He no more thought whether he could be as good as that man in that department

than whether he could be redder than the sunset or greener than the leaf of spring. He was naturally magnanimous in

the literal sense of that sublime word; his mind was so great that it rejoiced in the triumphs of strangers. In this spirit

Browning had already cast his eyes round in the literary world of his time, and had been greatly and justifiably struck with

the work of a young lady poet, Miss Barrett.

That impression was indeed amply justified. In a time when it was thought necessary for a lady to dilute the wine of

poetry to its very weakest tint, Miss Barrett had contrived to produce poetry which was open to literary objection as too

heady and too high–coloured. When she erred it was through an Elizabethan audacity and luxuriance, a straining after

violent metaphors. With her reappeared in poetry a certain element which had not been present in it since the last days

of Elizabethan literature, the fusion of the most elementary human passion with something which can only be described

as wit, a certain love of quaint and sustained similes, of parallels wildly logical, and of brazen paradox and antithesis. We

find this hot wit, as distinct from the cold wit of the school of Pope, in the puns and buffooneries of Shakespeare. We find

it lingering in Hudibras, and we do not find it again until we come to such strange and strong lines as these of Elizabeth

Barrett in her poem on Napoleon:—

"Blood fell like dew beneath his sunrise—sooth,

But glittered dew–like in the covenanted

And high–rayed light. He was a despot—granted,

But the αὐτός of his autocratic mouth

Said 'Yea' i' the people’s French! He magnified

The image of the freedom he denied."

Her poems are full of quaint things, of such things as the eyes in the peacock fans of the Vatican, which she describes

as winking at the Italian tricolor. She often took the step from the sublime to the ridiculous: but to take this step one must

reach the sublime. Elizabeth Barrett contrived to assert, what still needs but then urgently needed assertion, the fact that

womanliness, whether in life or poetry, was a positive thing, and not the negative of manliness. Her verse at its best was

quite as strong as Browning’s own, and very nearly as clever. The difference between their natures was a difference

between two primary colours, not between dark and light shades of the same colour.

Browning had often heard not only of the public, but of the private life of this lady from his father’s friend Kenyon. The

old man, who was one of those rare and valuable people who have a talent for establishing definite relationships with

people after a comparatively short intercourse, had been appointed by Miss Barrett as her "fairy godfather." He spoke

much about her to Browning, and of Browning to her, with a certain courtly garrulity which was one of his talents. And

there could be little doubt that the two poets would have met long before had it not been for certain peculiarities in the

position of Miss Barrett. She was an invalid, and an invalid of a somewhat unique kind, and living beyond all question

under very unique circumstances.

Her father, Edward Moulton Barrett, had been a landowner in the West Indies, and thus, by a somewhat curious

coincidence, had borne a part in the same social system which stung Browning’s father into revolt and renunciation. The

parts played by Edward Barrett, however, though little or nothing is known of it, was probably very different. He was a

man Conservative by nature, a believer in authority in the nation and the family, and endowed with some faculties for

making his conceptions prevail. He was an able man, capable in his language of a certain bitter felicity of phrase. He was

rigidly upright and responsible, and he had a capacity for profound affection. But selfishness of the most perilous sort, an

unconscious selfishness, was eating away his moral foundations, as it tends to eat away those of all despots. His most

fugitive moods changed and controlled the whole atmosphere of the house, and the state of things was fully as

oppressive in the case of his good moods as in the case of his bad ones. He had, what is perhaps the subtlest and worst

spirit of egotism, not that spirit merely which thinks that nothing should stand in the way of its ill–temper, but that spirit

which thinks that nothing should stand in the way of its amiability. His daughters must be absolutely at his beck and call,

whether it was to be brow–beaten or caressed. During the early years of Elizabeth Barrett’s life, the family had lived in

the country, and for that brief period she had known a more wholesome life than she was destined ever to know again

until her marriage long afterwards. She was not, as is the general popular idea, absolutely a congenital invalid, weak,

and almost moribund from the cradle. In early girlhood she was slight and sensitive indeed, but perfectly active and

courageous. She was a good horsewoman, and the accident which handicapped her for so many years afterwards

happened to her when she was riding. The injury to her spine, however, will be found, the more we study her history, to

be only one of the influences which were to darken those bedridden years, and to have among them a far less important

place than has hitherto been attached to it. Her father moved to a melancholy house in Wimpole Street; and his own

character growing gloomier and stranger as time went on, he mounted guard over his daughter’s sickbed in a manner

compounded of the pessimist and the disciplinarian. She was not permitted to stir from the sofa, often not even to cross

two rooms to her bed. Her father came and prayed over her with a kind of melancholy glee, and with the avowed

solemnity of a watcher by a deathbed. She was surrounded by that most poisonous and degrading of all atmospheres—a

medical atmosphere. The existence of this atmosphere has nothing to do with the actual nature or prolongation of

disease. A man may pass three hours out of every five in a state of bad health, and yet regard, as Stevenson regarded,

the three hours as exceptional and the two as normal. But the curse that lay on the Barrett household was the curse of

considering ill–health the natural condition of a human being. The truth was that Edward Barrett was living emotionally

and æsthetically, like some detestable decadent poet, upon his daughter’s decline. He did not know this, but it was so.

Scenes, explanations, prayers, fury, and forgiveness had become bread and meat for which he hungered; and when the

cloud was upon his spirit, he would lash out at all things and every one with the insatiable cruelty of the sentimentalist.

It is wonderful that Elizabeth Barrett was not made thoroughly morbid and impotent by this intolerable violence and

more intolerable tenderness. In her estimate of her own health she did, of course, suffer. It is evident that she practically

believed herself to be dying. But she was a high–spirited woman, full of that silent and quite unfathomable kind of

courage which is only found in women, and she took a much more cheerful view of death than her father did of life. Silent

rooms, low voices, lowered blinds, long days of loneliness, and of the sickliest kind of sympathy, had not tamed a spirit

which was swift and headlong to a fault. She could still own with truth the magnificent fact that her chief vice was

impatience, "tearing open parcels instead of untying them;" looking at the end of books before she had read them was,

she said, incurable with her. It is difficult to imagine anything more genuinely stirring than the achievement of this woman,

who thus contrived, while possessing all the excuses of an invalid, to retain some of the faults of a tomboy.

Impetuosity, vividness, a certain absoluteness and urgency in her demands, marked her in the eyes of all who came in

contact with her. In after years, when Browning had experimentally shaved his beard off, she told him with emphatic

gestures that it must be grown again "that minute." There we have very graphically the spirit which tears open parcels.

Not in vain, or as a mere phrase, did her husband after her death describe her as "all a wonder and a wild desire."

She had, of course, lived her second and real life in literature and the things of the mind, and this in a very genuine and

strenuous sense. Her mental occupations were not mere mechanical accomplishments almost as colourless as the

monotony they relieved, nor were they coloured in any visible manner by the unwholesome atmosphere in which she

breathed. She used her brains seriously; she was a good Greek scholar, and read Æschylus and Euripides unceasingly

with her blind friend, Mr. Boyd; and she had, and retained even to the hour of her death, a passionate and quite practical

interest in great public questions. Naturally she was not uninterested in Robert Browning, but it does not appear that she

felt at this time the same kind of fiery artistic curiosity that he felt about her. He does appear to have felt an attraction,

which may almost be called mystical, for the personality which was shrouded from the world by such sombre curtains. In

1845 he addressed a letter to her in which he spoke of a former occasion on which they had nearly met, and compared it

to the sensation of having once been outside the chapel of some marvellous illumination and found the door barred

against him. In that phrase it is easy to see how much of the romantic boyhood of Browning remained inside the resolute

man of the world into which he was to all external appearance solidifying. Miss Barrett replied to his letters with charming

sincerity and humour, and with much of that leisurely self–revelation which is possible for an invalid who has nothing else

to do. She herself, with her love of quiet and intellectual companionship, would probably have been quite happy for the

rest of her life if their relations had always remained a learned and delightful correspondence. But she must have known

very little of Robert Browning if she imagined he would be contented with this airy and bloodless tie. At all times of his life

he was sufficiently fond of his own way; at this time he was especially prompt and impulsive, and he had always a great

love for seeing and hearing and feeling people, a love of the physical presence of friends, which made him slap men on

the back and hit them in the chest when he was very fond of them. The correspondence between the two poets had not

long begun when Browning suggested something which was almost a blasphemy in the Barrett household, that he

should come and call on her as he would on any one else. This seems to have thrown her into a flutter of fear and doubt.

She alleges all kinds of obstacles, the chief of which were her health and the season of the year and the east winds. "If

my truest heart’s wishes avail," replied Browning obstinately, "you shall laugh at east winds yet as I do."

Then began the chief part of that celebrated correspondence which has within comparatively recent years been placed

before the world. It is a correspondence which has very peculiar qualities and raises many profound questions.

It is impossible to deal at any length with the picture given in these remarkable letters of the gradual progress and

amalgamation of two spirits of great natural potency and independence, without saying at least a word about the moral

question raised by their publication and the many expressions of disapproval which it entails. To the mind of the present

writer the whole of such a question should be tested by one perfectly clear intellectual distinction and comparison. I am

not prepared to admit that there is or can be, properly speaking, in the world anything that is too sacred to be known.

That spiritual beauty and spiritual truth are in their nature communicable, and that they should be communicated, is a

principle which lies at the root of every conceivable religion. Christ was crucified upon a hill, and not in a cavern, and the

word Gospel itself involves the same idea as the ordinary name of a daily paper. Whenever, therefore, a poet or any

similar type of man can, or conceives that he can, make all men partakers in some splendid secret of his own heart, I can

imagine nothing saner and nothing manlier than his course in doing so. Thus it was that Dante made a new heaven and

a new hell out of a girl’s nod in the streets of Florence. Thus it was that Paul founded a civilisation by keeping an ethical

diary. But the one essential which exists in all such cases as these is that the man in question believes that he can make

the story as stately to the whole world as it is to him, and he chooses his words to that end. Yet when a work contains

expressions which have one value and significance when read by the people to whom they were addressed, and an

entirely different value and significance when read by any one else, then the element of the violation of sanctity does

arise. It is not because there is anything in this world too sacred to tell. It is rather because there are a great many things

in this world too sacred to parody. If Browning could really convey to the world the inmost core of his affection for his

wife, I see no reason why he should not. But the objection to letters which begin "My dear Ba," is that they do not convey

anything of the sort. As far as any third person is concerned, Browning might as well have been expressing the most

noble and universal sentiment in the dialect of the Cherokees. Objection to the publication of such passages as that, in

short, is not the fact that they tell us about the love of the Brownings, but that they do not tell us about it.

Upon this principle it is obvious that there should have been a selection among the Letters, but not a selection which

should exclude anything merely because it was ardent and noble. If Browning or Mrs. Browning had not desired any

people to know that they were fond of each other, they would not have written and published "One Word More" or "The

Sonnets from the Portuguese." Nay, they would not have been married in a public church, for every one who is married

in a church does make a confession of love of absolutely national publicity, and tacitly, therefore, repudiates any idea

that such confessions are too sacred for the world to know. The ridiculous theory that men should have no noble

passions or sentiments in public may have been designed to make private life holy and undefiled, but it has had very little

actual effect except to make public life cynical and preposterously unmeaning. But the words of a poem or the words of

the English Marriage Service, which are as fine as many poems, is a language dignified and deliberately intended to be

understood by all. If the bride and bridegroom in church, instead of uttering those words, were to utter a poem

compounded of private allusions to the foibles of Aunt Matilda, or of childish secrets which they would tell each other in a

lane, it would be a parallel case to the publication of some of the Browning Letters. Why the serious and universal

portions of those Letters could not be published without those which are to us idle and unmeaning it is difficult to

understand. Our wisdom, whether expressed in private or public, belongs to the world, but our folly belongs to those we

love.

There is at least one peculiarity in the Browning Letters which tends to make their publication far less open to objection

than almost any other collection of love letters which can be imagined. The ordinary sentimentalist who delights in the

most emotional of magazine interviews, will not be able to get much satisfaction out of them, because he and many

persons more acute will be quite unable to make head or tail of three consecutive sentences. In this respect it is the most

extraordinary correspondence in the world. There seem to be only two main rules for this form of letter–writing: the first

is, that if a sentence can begin with a parenthesis it always should; and the second is, that if you have written from a

third to half of a sentence you need never in any case write any more. It would be amusing to watch any one who felt an

idle curiosity as to the language and secrets of lovers opening the Browning Letters. He would probably come upon

some such simple and lucid passage as the following: "I ought to wait, say a week at least, having killed all your mules

for you, before I shot down your dogs… But not being Phoibos Apollon, you are to know further that when I did think I

might go modestly on…ὦμoι, let me get out of this slough of a simile, never mind with what dislocated ankles."

What our imaginary sentimentalist would make of this tender passage it is difficult indeed to imagine. The only plain

conclusion which appears to emerge from the words is the somewhat curious one—that Browning was in the habit of

taking a gun down to Wimpole Street and of demolishing the live stock on those somewhat unpromising premises. Nor

will he be any better enlightened if he turns to the reply of Miss Barrett, which seems equally dominated with the great

central idea of the Browning correspondence that the most enlightening passages in a letter consist of dots. She replies

in a letter following the above: "But if it could be possible that you should mean to say you would show me…Can it be? or

am I reading this 'Attic contraction' quite the wrong way. You see I am afraid of the difference between flattering myself

and being flattered…the fatal difference. And now will you understand that I should be too overjoyed to have revelations

from the Portfolio…however incarnated with blots and pen scratches…to be able to ask impudently of them now? Is that

plain?" Most probably she thought it was.

With regard to Browning himself this characteristic is comparatively natural and appropriate. Browning’s prose was in

any case the most roundabout affair in the world. Those who knew him say that he would often send an urgent telegram

from which it was absolutely impossible to gather where the appointment was, or when it was, or what was its object.

This fact is one of the best of all arguments against the theory of Browning’s intellectual conceit. A man would have to be

somewhat abnormally conceited in order to spend sixpence for the pleasure of sending an unintelligible communication

to the dislocation of his own plans. The fact was, that it was part of the machinery of his brain that things came out of it,

as it were, backwards. The words "tail foremost" express Browning’s style with something more than a conventional

accuracy. The tail, the most insignificant part of an animal, is also often the most animated and fantastic. An utterance of

Browning is often like a strange animal walking backwards, who flourishes his tail with such energy that every one takes

it for his head. He was in other words, at least in his prose and practical utterances, more or less incapable of telling a

story without telling the least important thing first. If a man who belonged to an Italian secret society, one local branch of

which bore as a badge an olive–green ribbon, had entered his house, and in some sensational interview tried to bribe or

blackmail him, he would have told the story with great energy and indignation, but he would have been incapable of

beginning with anything except the question of the colour of olives. His whole method was founded both in literature and

life upon the principle of the "ex pede Herculem," and at the beginning of his description of Hercules the foot appears

some sizes larger than the hero. It is, in short, natural enough that Browning should have written his love letters

obscurely, since he wrote his letters to his publisher and his solicitor obscurely. In the case of Mrs. Browning it is

somewhat more difficult to understand. For she at least had, beyond all question, a quite simple and lucent vein of

humour, which does not easily reconcile itself with this subtlety. But she was partly under the influence of her own quality

of passionate ingenuity or emotional wit of which we have already taken notice in dealing with her poems, and she was

partly also no doubt under the influence of Browning. Whatever was the reason, their correspondence was not of the sort

which can be pursued very much by the outside public. Their letters may be published a hundred times over, they still

remain private. They write to each other in a language of their own, an almost exasperatingly impressionist language, a

language chiefly consisting of dots and dashes and asterisks and italics, and brackets and notes of interrogation.

Wordsworth when he heard afterwards of their eventual elopement said with that slight touch of bitterness he always

used in speaking of Browning, "So Robert Browning and Miss Barrett have gone off together. I hope they understand

each other—nobody else would." It would be difficult to pay a higher compliment to a marriage. Their common affection

for Kenyon was a great element in their lives and in their correspondence. "I have a convenient theory to account for Mr.

Kenyon," writes Browning mysteriously, "and his otherwise unaccountable kindness to me.""For Mr. Kenyon’s kindness,"

retorts Elizabeth Barrett, "no theory will account. I class it with mesmerism for that reason." There is something very

dignified and beautiful about the simplicity of these two poets vying with each other in giving adequate praise to the old

dilettante, of whom the world would never have heard but for them. Browning’s feeling for him was indeed especially

strong and typical. "There," he said, pointing after the old man as he left the room, "there goes one of the most splendid

men living—a man so noble in his friendship, so lavish in his hospitality, so large–hearted and benevolent, that he

deserves to be known all over the world as 'Kenyon the Magnificent.'" There is something thoroughly worthy of Browning

at his best in this feeling, not merely of the use of sociability, or of the charm of sociability, but of the magnificence, the

heroic largeness of real sociability. Being himself a warm champion of the pleasures of society, he saw in Kenyon a kind

of poetic genius for the thing, a mission of superficial philanthropy. He is thoroughly to be congratulated on the fact that

he had grasped the great but now neglected truth, that a man may actually be great, yet not in the least able.

Browning’s desire to meet Miss Barrett was received on her side, as has been stated, with a variety of objections. The

chief of these was the strangely feminine and irrational reason that she was not worth seeing, a point on which the

seeker for an interview might be permitted to form his own opinion. "There is nothing to see in me; nor to hear in me.—I

never learned to talk as you do in London; although I can admire that brightness of carved speech in Mr. Kenyon and

others. If my poetry is worth anything to any eye, it is the flower of me. I have lived most and been most happy in it, and

so it has all my colours; the rest of me is nothing but a root, fit for the ground and dark." The substance of Browning’s

reply was to the effect, "I will call at two on Tuesday."

They met on May 20, 1845. A short