Beyond the Queer Alphabet by Malinda
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4

Black Queer and Black Trans: Imagine Imagination

Imaginary Futures

Rinaldo Walcott, University of  Toronto

Over  the  last  few  years  I  have  had  the  opportunity  to  teach,  to  learn  from  and  to  learn  with  an incredible and impressive group of  Black queer and Black Trans students. These students live and work  at  the  interstices  of  communities,  studies  and  politics  and  in  each  case  they  are  often  not imagined as belonging. In most cases they are rendered unbelievable. They, we, occupy the larger problem with which all Black people are faced -- that of  being both unimaginable in the academy and simultaneously unbelievable. While the academy is a place that fosters the imagination in a wide variety of  ways, especially in scholarship, the academy is also a place that lacks imagination when Black people show up in it. Black people seem to produce the limit of  the academy’s imagination, whether it is scholarship, policy, or just simple courtesies.

One of  the many things that Black queer and Black Trans people learn very quickly in the academy is that none of  the post-1960s’ offices (Human Rights, LGBT, Disability, etc) can contain them, can address their issues and concerns and can adequately account for their presence as students, faculty and  staff.  These  offices,  policies  and  even  studies,  working  tightly  within  the  boundaries  of,  for example, LGBT identity, imagine their normative subject as always a queer Euro-Canadian subject. Thus the Black queer subject cannot be imagined to exist, nor can such a subject seek services, be written into scholarship, and be intelligible to and in policy.

The  Black  queer  and  Black  Trans  subject  is  indeed  an  unimaginable  personhood,  unbelieved  as existing. To make the claim from the subjecthood of  blackness that the academy lacks imagination when  it  comes  to  Black  subjects,  especially  Black  queer  and  Black  Trans  subjects,  is  not  to  cast aspersions on only the conservative side of  the academy. Indeed many on the “progressive” side of the  academy  also  find  it  difficult  to  imagine  Black  subjecthood.  Many  a  scholar  working  on  the difficult questions that the post-9/11 security culture has thrown up for us have consistently, and some  might  even  say  permanently,  cast  the  Muslim  body  as  a  ‘brown  body,’  making  immediately absent and invisible, even unimaginable, a Black and or African Muslim body.

I have elliptically written about this particular problem elsewhere in the essay, “Reconstructing Black Manhood; Or The Drag of  Black Masculinity.”52  However, I revisit those ideas here to throw the net a bit wider in an attempt to demonstrate the depth of  the problem that the Black queer subject, the Black  Trans  subject,  and  all  Black  people  encounter  in  the  Canadian  academy.  As  the  artist  Abdi Osman53  has powerfully shown, the limits of  our imaginations have significant implications for our politics of  liberation, as I will demonstrate below. Let us take as our example the Black or African Muslim. How might we think about Muslim positionality in Euro-North America?

To help me do the work of  thinking critically about the ways in which Muslim subjectivity is both always  already  present  and  simultaneously  elided  in  North  America  we  must  confront  what Waheema Lubiano calls the “failure of  categories” in the foreword to Ronald Judy’s (Dis)Forming the American Canon: African-Arabic Slave Narratives and the Vernacular.54  Both Judy’s study and Lubiano’s muscular engagement with the study’s limits and possibilities point to the contested nature of  how blackness and Muslim-ness come to be in the colonial Americas.

Judy’s study makes use of  “linguistic indeterminacy” as the premise of  his investigation into how a Kantian,  modernist  Reason  could  not  make  sense  of  an  enslaved  Muslim  presence,  especially  its representivity  in  Arabic,  and  in  the  practice  of   Islam,  which  had  to  be  vigilantly  denied  and invalidated for Christian doctrine to endorse slavery. Thus all enslaved Africans had to be reduced to the non-religious, or the African practices of  monotheism (in this case Islam) had to be ignored and denied  since  those  practices  troubled  certain  European  reasons  for  African  enslavement.  Reading the  Muslim  presence  then  as  much  more  than  a  mid-twentieth  century  one  in  North  America presents a different kind of  intervention. It is an intervention that blackens and thus complicates a number of  histories, trajectories and politics. In this regard the Muslim presence has a far deeper and more extensive and complicated archive than is currently being accessed by both the Right and progressives alike.

This  longer  history  and  its  elision  haunt  our  contemporary  conversations.  Framed  in  this  way, representivity is of  utmost importance since the long history of  Muslim presence in the Americas is in the first instance a Nigger, Negro or Black one. And, following Judy, it is a representivity that is both “linguistically foreign” and heterographic.55  And it is crucially important to note it is a Black presence that speaks to the deeply profound ways in which the African body was not just stolen and made into a commodity but it was fundamentally denied that status of  body in the first instance.

The Muslim body recently resignified as a ‘brown body’ in the context of  post-9/11 discourses from a  range  of  positions,  has  made  recalling  the  longer  history  of  a  Nigger  Muslim  presence  in  the Americas  crucial.  The  failure  of  the  category  ‘brown  body’  to  produce  a  thick  representivity  and performativity  of   Muslim-ness  lends  a  certain  indecipherability  to  Muslim-ness  that  might  be productive for various kinds of  interventions. Lubiano quarrels with Judy’s otherwise brilliant study for its inattentiveness to gender and in particular the gendered nature of  Kantian Reason. I want to mobilize both Judy’s and Lubiano’s insights to position the queer images of  the photographer Abdi Osman which mediate against the continued invocation of  a ‘brown bodied’ Muslim as a failure to produce an adequate response to what Toni Morrison calls the “economy of  stereotype.”56

The Abdi Osman photographs reproduced below point to the limits of  the imagination and offer a profound critique of  contemporary conversations about Muslim representivity and performativity. These critical fictions require us to imagine a different kind of  past, present and future. And since the photographs inscribe an iterative ‘queerness,’ the photographs call up the multiple ways in which the scholarship my students are creating attempts to produce a conversation in the Euro-Canadian academy that might make them believable on some plain of  thought. They, us, seek to regain our bodies from failed imaginations and practices.

52  Walcott, R. (2009). Reconstructing Manhood; or, The Drag of  Black Masculinity. Small Axe, 13 (1), 75-89. Doi: 10.1215/07990537-2008-007

53  Company for Collectors by Collectors. (2012). Abdi Osman. Retrieved from http://www.welcometocompany.com/ artist/abdi-osman

54  Judy, R.A.T. (1993). Disforming the American Canon: African-Arabic Slave Narratives and the Vernacular. Minnesota: University of  Minnesota Press.

55  Heterographic. (n.d.). In Encyclo Online Encyclopedia. Retrieved from http://www.encyclo.co.uk/define/Heterographic

56  Morrison, T. (1993). Playing In The Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination.USA: Vintage.

Photographs by the Artist Abdi Osman

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Toward a critical diversity and social justice

These photographs ask us to confront what I have come to call ‘critical diversity.’ Critical diversity does  not  only  work  at  the  level  of  representational  inclusion.  Rather,  critical  diversity  asks  some difficult questions about inclusion and what inclusion signals and or means in each context. Critical diversity is about both the texture and the depth of  diversity. And by taking into account the texture and depth of  diversity, its critical balance and calculation comes into play.

Let me give an example of  an ideal type of  critical diversity. In the multicultural model it might be sufficient to have some form of  Black representation, maybe even multiple forms. But with critical diversity those forms of  multiple Black representations would have to account for a range of  factors internal to blackness so that blackness is never homogenized. Such representations might have to account for questions of  class position, of  disability, of  sexuality, of  religion and so on in an attempt to get at the depth and the texture of  how blackness is experienced and lived out in both its extra and intra-Black differences. In short, it might have to account for the ‘Black Trans lesbian disabled body,’ a caricature that has come to be characterized in Black vernacular political culture as some of the ways in which black bodies consistently disappear from our view.

Imagine such a person beyond the economy of  stereotype! Blackness in this instance cannot only be framed and understood in relationship to race and racism. Thus critical diversity seeks to not just populate our various arenas with one-dimensional encounters; it seeks to provide encounters that strike deeply at the core of  what it means to be human. Thus critical diversity is about the ways in which  categories  or  genres  of  the  human  cross-cut  each  other.  Critical  diversity  requires  us  to actively engage our imaginations and thus to imagine beyond the body presented to us.

I take it as an ethical given then that, fundamentally, only when some form of  critical diversity is approached that we can move towards social justice. Social justice is the greatest unknown in all this work. Social justice cannot be decided in advance, it has no particular destination, it is a process of coming  into,  a  “to  come”  moment  as  Jacques  Derrida  would  put  it.  Social  justice  and  indeed  its achievement can only be known to be accomplished when those seeking it declare it to be so – that is declare that social justice has been done. Thus social justice is more a desire and a constant project to be worked on and worked at, than a set of  programs, a product and or a concluding deadline.

The post-1960s movements of  civil rights, feminism, gay and lesbian liberation produced moments through which movement towards social justice could be glimpsed, but those were merely moments in a process, an opening, if  you will. Critical diversity provides other avenues along this process, but critical diversity is not the end point of  social justice either, it is a part of  it. What is most important and  crucial  about  social  justice  and  its  philosophical  and  political  call  is  that  it  opens  us  up  to rethinking the entire process of  any organization of  more broadly formation, should it be necessary.

Social justice then embeds critical diversity as a ‘normative’ way of  doing things and thereby social justice is a way of  being in the world.   Social justice is a whole way of  life. It cannot be a type of training,  and  you  can’t  run  social  justice  workshops  and  trainings,  despite  neoliberal  equity  and diversity mainstreaming claims. Social justice is both an approach to living life and an orientation to thinking  and  imagining  differently  the  present  and  the  past  as  a  way  of   setting  in  place  the conditions for a different kind of  future. It is that future my Black queer and Black Trans students have set out to write and create by living, studying and acting out of  the ordinary.

57  Ali Osman photos on Flickr: 

http://www.flickr.com/photos/cfhss/6303037755/in/photostream