unamiable sourness of disposition. Livia, Agrippina, and Antonia were
women of the most unquestionable virtue; but they were ungentle in their
manner and capable of extreme harshness in their methods. We know them
fairly well; but there is no indication of their interesting themselves
in any such womanly work as those public charities which graced the
reign of Trajan, and with which we may be reasonably certain that
Plotina, his noble consort, actively sympathized. With assured security
of life, woman's heart expanded and her sympathies widened. Faustina,
the wife of Aurelius, may not have been irreproachable; but she is
represented in the position of the Lady Bountiful by the side of her
husband in the public distributions. Under these noble emperors, a
social conscience was developed; and there was nothing to prevent or
disturb any of the genial graces of the home life, which are only
possible when women are respected and happy.
During this period, the legal condition of the Roman woman was also
greatly ameliorated. The acute sense of justice which actuated these
emperors could not neglect this result of civilization.
On one occasion,
a matron stopped Hadrian in the street and begged leave to submit to him
a matter in which she was suffering injustice. He refused to be delayed.
"Why, then, are you emperor?" she bitterly exclaimed.
This appealed to
him; for he was conscious that he had no right to govern unless he
allowed the salutary influence of his rule to extend to all alike.
A man and a woman, who, though they had cohabited, were not legally
married, disputed as to the possession of their child in order to
receive its share of the public allowance. "With whom do you live?"
asked Hadrian of the child. "My mother," was the answer.
"You rascal,"
said the emperor to the man, "you have no right to this allowance."
"I implore you," cried another woman, "to order that a part of my son's
allowance be given to me." "But, my lord," said the son,
"I do not
acknowledge her to be my mother." "Then," answered Hadrian, "I shall not
acknowledge you as a citizen."
These, it may be, were only casual incidents; but they indicate the sort
of rule under which Rome had come, and they must have formed powerful
precedents in future rulings in such cases. Laws were also passed which
helped to relieve the burden of legal injustice which from the first had
rested upon the Roman woman. A father had it always in his power to
compel his son to put away his wife, and could thus, if he chose,
shatter the life of a faithful, loving woman and drive her from her
home. Marcus Aurelius amended this tyrannical law, so that it could only
be executed for great and just cause. Under the old code, a child was
always subject to the condition of his mother at his birth; hence, if a
free woman, after conception, was relegated to servitude by sentence of
law, her child was born a slave. Hadrian decreed that if a woman was
free at any time during her pregnancy, her child should be free. This
would seem to be more of a relief to the child so born than to the
mother; but, apart from the mother sympathy, the parent of a free son
would be much more likely to regain her own liberty.
This emperor also
decided that women should have the power to dispose of the whole of
their property by will, on obtaining the consent of their guardians. It
was soon afterward decreed that such a will should be valid without such
consent, and this made the property rights of the Roman woman as
untrammelled as such laws have been in any country, almost down to the
present time. There was also a modification of the law of inheritance,
so that women were allowed to take from their sons; but to avail herself
of this new law a freedwoman must have had no less than four children.
This material comfort and security of life would, of itself, hardly
suffice to substantiate Gibbon's opinion as to the superior happiness of
this particular period of the world's history; but there was something
more. Human life is not rendered felicitous solely by the abundance of
the things which a people possesses; there must be the power to make
the most of and enjoy them. It is with the life of a nation as it is
with that of an individual--the happiest age is that immediately
previous to the beginning of decadence; prior to that, the attention and
energy are wholly taken up with the process of acquiring. The Roman
Empire was now, as it were, balanced and resting on the summit of its
greatness.
With one or two exceptions, never in the history of the world has so
large a proportion of the citizens of a nation been capable of so fully
appreciating the highest mental enjoyments. Art in those days was
closely inwoven with the life of the people; they lived artistic lives.
The women of that day moved habitually among those objects which the
ladies of our time go to museums to admire. Their eyes were every day
accustomed to rest upon the beautiful structures and statuary which are
the wonder and the models of modern times. Every home, however modest,
had about it much of the artistic; every public building was a
magnificent example of architecture. Nothing was purely utilitarian, for
life was not sordid. With an ample supply of the necessaries and
luxuries of existence, and perfect protection through wise and
beneficently administered laws, this added grace and beauty which
pervaded everything lacked little to make the life of women in the days
of Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines broader and happier than it has
been in any other period, ancient or modern.
There were, however, two classes of persons which must not be left out
of the estimate; and it may be suggested that a proper understanding of
the conditions of their existence may detract greatly from the foregoing
appreciation of the period under discussion: these are the slaves and
the poor. But, inasmuch as what has been said is of the nature of a
comparison, it can be justly answered that the poor we have always with
us, and until recently the institution of slavery has been a cherished
one. At any rate, it was rare that a Roman slave woman was ill fed,
while compulsory hunger is by no means uncommon in modern times.
Since so large a portion of those Roman slaves were women, it will be
quite pertinent to our subject if we take a glance at this institution
of slavery as it existed in the ancient world.
It is estimated that at one time no less than one-fifth of the
population of Rome was in a condition of compulsory servitude. The
number was kept up by birth, by the slave market, and by war. In ancient
times, the creditor could sell the family of the debtor; the father also
could dispose of his children in the same manner. These barbarous
measures, however, were less resorted to as manners grew milder, though
the laws permitting them were not repealed until the time of Diocletian.
Parents had the legal right to expose their unwelcome children, and
whoever chose to take the abandoned infants owned them as slaves; but
Trajan granted to such children the perpetual right of claiming their
freedom, on condition that they could prove that of their parents.
By the ancient law, the slave was nothing but a chattel.
He possessed no
rights, he had no will of his own, he was not a person, and could not
seek protection from the law. Over him his master owned absolute power
of life and death. Women slaves were wholly subject to their owner's
will. They might be required to bear offspring for the mere sake of
increasing their master's number of servants, with absolutely no regard
to any sentiment they might cherish relative to such a matter. A slave
could not legally marry; and for many centuries no union of that nature
was held to have any binding force. When it is considered that a large
proportion of the slaves owned by Roman masters were secured as the
spoils of war, or by kidnapping, and consequently included many persons
of both sexes who were well born and educated, it is seen how peculiarly
cruel was slavery in those times.
Gradually, principles of humanity prevailed in the softening of this
condition, and it is probable that instincts of humanity on the part of
the majority of owners induced them to do better than the law demanded.
In the house of Columella, every slave woman who had three children was
set free from labor, and she who had more was emancipated. During the
period of the Antonines, laws were passed prohibiting masters from
selling slaves to fight in the arena unless these had been convicted of
some crime by public authority. They were not allowed to be left by will
with the understanding that they were to fight with beasts. The killing
of slaves became punishable as for murder; and even the slave's honor
came to be protected, for a complaint could be lodged against the master
for an attempt on the slave's modesty. Regard was also paid to the
natural feelings of these unfortunate persons; for while those in a
condition of slavery could not legally marry, yet, where the nuptial
union had been formed it was not permitted that the husband and wife
should be separated by sale. Thus we see that the Roman slaves, from a
condition of absolute inhumanity in the days of the early Republic, came
in the time of the Antonines to be so hedged about with the protection
of the law that there was left little to be desired save the possession
of their own persons. Still, it is not meant to be asserted that even in
this mild period there was not ample scope for cruelty on the part of
barbarous or ill-natured owners. Juvenal describes with great
indignation how women would cause their female attendants to be
unmercifully whipped. But a just complaint of intolerable treatment
was, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, legal ground for compelling the
emancipation of the slave, or at least for providing him or her with a
kinder owner.
Paganism has often been accused of having paid no attention whatsoever
to public charities. On the contrary, during the period with which we
are now occupied institutions of poor-relief were founded and were as
remarkable for the wisdom with which they were organized as for the
spirit of beneficence which they manifested. There was abundance of
evidence in Pliny's time to show that his beautiful words were not mere
rhetoric: "It is a duty to seek out those who are in want, to bring them
aid, to support, and make them in a sense one's own family." Has the
modern spirit anything better to say than this sentence which was
inscribed upon a tomb: _Therc is in life but one beautiful thing, and
this is beneficence._ The Romans of the Antonine period put this
sentiment into practical operation in more ways than one. Nerva
conceived the project of rendering State aid to poor parents to enable
them to rear their children. Trajan, his successor, adopted this scheme
and developed it on a magnificent scale. As early as the year 100, there
were, in the city of Rome, as we learn from Pliny, no less than five
thousand children who received this assistance. So much consideration
was shown in the arrangement for this distribution, that it was ordered
that the apportionment of the sick or absent should be reserved until it
was sent for. From the Inscription of Veleia, one of the longest which
have come down to us, and the table of the Bæbiani for the apportionment
of food among the poor, we learn of the poor-relief system under which
two hundred and sixty-four boys and thirty-six girls were supported.
"The boys received annually one hundred and ninety-two sesterces
[$9.20], the girls one hundred and forty-four [$6.90].
The foundation
was established for a definite number of children, a number that did not
change so long as the foundation was not increased; but the assistance
varied, doubtless with the price of provisions, in different localities;
thus, at Veleia, sixteen sesterces per month; at Tarracina, twenty." The
writer of the above demonstrates by authorities and examples that from
sixteen to twenty sesterces per month was sufficient to support a Roman
child. He continues:
"It cannot be affirmed that the institution was in a general measure
established in the whole of Italy; but coins, inscriptions, and even
sculptures, enable us to discover it in many places.
Thus the
bas-reliefs of the Arch of Beneventum represent men carrying boys on
their shoulders, and four women, their heads adorned with mural crowns,
conducting young girls to Trajan. Do these women represent the four
towns of the vicinity, or are they the symbol of all the cities of Italy
which had profited by the same benefaction? The second hypothesis is the
more probable, and Dion confirms it.
"Provincial cities and wealthy individuals followed the example given by
the emperors; this pagan society, which ameliorated the lot of the
slave, which was mindful of the destitution of its poor, thus showed
before its downfall that it possessed within itself powers of renewal
sufficient to save it, had it not been ruined by bad legislation."
This annuity did not cease with the end of Trajan's reign. Hadrian
increased the length of time through which the boys and girls were to
receive it. It is noticeable that fewer girls than boys were assisted,
and, while the latter received the pension until the age of eighteen, it
was taken from the girls at the age of fourteen. It must be confessed
that this introduced a suspicion of utilitarianism into the
beneficence, girls at that time being considered of less advantage to
the State than their brothers; but Antoninus, who was a man of peace and
who would have much liked to be able to dispense with the army, in honor
of his wife increased the number of girls on the lists for support;
while on the death of the second Faustina, Marcus Aurelius followed his
predecessor's example. Private persons, and especially ladies, also
established foundations of this kind. To provide for a hundred children
at Tarracina, Cælia Macrina bequeathed one million sesterces; Hispalis
profited in a similar way by the legacy of a wealthy lady resident. The
spirit in which the times viewed this subject is shown in the words of
Paulus: "Donations," says he, "may be made to the city, either for its
adornment or for its honor; and among the things which honor a city the
most is the practice of giving support to infirm old men and to young
children of both sexes." There is also proof that in many cities
physicians were salaried by the municipality and required to render
gratuitous assistance to the poor.
It is a fact exceedingly to be regretted that, while we find so much
that is admirable in this period by means of which the female portion of
society was benefited and for the existence of which much credit is
undoubtedly owing to the noble women of the time, yet the records of
individual women are extremely unsatisfactory. In the first place, they
are very meagre. Unfortunately, there are no such brilliant and copious
histories of the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian as of those of the
previous and less worthy emperors. Of individual women, apart from those
of the imperial house of this period, we know nothing.
The records of
the empresses and of their female relatives exhibit a similarity to the
scandalous accounts of their predecessors which is sadly monotonous and
entirely unworthy of the otherwise wonderfully improved conditions. It
is doubtful whether or not the characters of the Faustinas could be
rehabilitated if trustworthy evidence were obtainable; but, even if that
were possible, there would still be nothing to secure for them equal
moral rank with their noble husbands. There is a fine exception,
however, in the character of Plotina, the wife of Trajan. In the Vatican
Museum there is a bust of this noble woman. It shows a lady advanced in
years, but with a countenance charmingly suggestive of intelligence and
moral dignity.
Trajan was a plain, honest soldier, who, when he was proclaimed emperor
on the death of Nerva, entered the city on foot and recognized his old
friends as he passed on his way to the palace. Plotina Pompeia
accompanied him; and as she mounted the steps of the imperial abode, she
turned to the people and said: "Such as I am entering here, I desire to
be when I leave here." She must have been then in the prime of her
womanhood; for her husband reigned nineteen years, and she outlived him.
Her life in the palace, unlike that of the majority of her predecessors,
was distinguished by her unassailable virtue, her affability, and her
charitable activity on behalf of the poor and needy. We may safely be
assured that though the charitable scheme already described was
developed by the mind of her husband, he was stimulated thereto by the
gracious counsel of Plotina. She accompanied her husband on his
expedition in the East, and was with him when he died in Cilicia, whence
she carried his ashes to Rome. Under Hadrian she still continued to
enjoy all the honors and titles of a Roman empress.
The accession of Hadrian to the throne is surrounded by a mystery which
must forever remain impenetrable. Gibbon repeats the gossip which the
ancient historians handed down as veritable fact, when he says: "We may
readily believe that the father of his country hesitated whether he
ought to intrust the various and doubtful character of his kinsman
Hadrian with sovereign power. In his last moments, the arts of the
Empress Plotina either fixed the irresolution of Trajan, or boldly
supposed a fictitious adoption; the truth of which could not be safely
disputed, and Hadrian was peaceably acknowledged as his lawful
successor." Dion asserted on the authority of his father, who was
Governor of Cilicia, where Trajan died, that the adoption never took
place and that Plotina forged the letters which were sent to Rome,
apparently from Trajan, informing the Senate of his choice. Some even
went so far as to say that, the moment after the emperor's death, he not
having named Hadrian, Plotina caused a man to be placed in his bed to
simulate his dying voice saying that he appointed Hadrian his successor.
This is a flimsy story, and rather suggests the triviality of the minds
of those who concocted it than it impairs the character of Plotina.
Hadrian had married Sabina, the daughter of Matilda, who was in turn the
daughter of Marciana, Trajan's sister. Moreover, the emperor had
showered favors upon him, and appointed him to the highest offices. To
whom else should Trajan leave the Empire? Nevertheless, it is probable
that Hadrian was greatly liked by the powerful empress, and she may have
shown a deep interest in the adoption of the youth by her husband. In
courts, where there are of necessity jealousy and rival ambitions, from
such innocent facts will formidable scandals grow. Every other mention
of her is evidence against the insinuation that the maternal affection
of Plotina for Hadrian was tinctured with love of a stronger nature.
Hadrian's mother was a native of Cadiz. How she was held in the esteem
of her imperial son is indicated in the following letter which he wrote
her: "All hail, very dear and excellent mother. Whatever you ask of the
gods for me, I ask the same for you. By Hercules, I am delighted that my
acts seem to you worthy of praise. To-day is my birthday; we must take
supper together. Come, then, well dressed, with my sisters. Sabina, who
is at our villa, has sent her share for the family repast."
Through the meagre and inconclusive accounts we have of the private
affairs of Hadrian, the allegation is circulated that his life with
Sabina was far from being an amicable one. The empress was said to be of
a morose and sour disposition, and Hadrian is even accused of having rid
himself of her by the help of poison. The latter is a calumny unworthy
of serious attention. It is altogether impossible to believe that, even
if the chasm between the two were as wide as is reported, the emperor
would not have sought relief in divorce rather than in murder. However
praiseworthy may have been Hadrian's character as an emperor, if Sabina
stood upon her rights as a wife, she had every reason for holding him in
supreme contempt; for common as may have been the vice to which there
seems to be little doubt Hadrian was addicted, it is difficult to
believe that any woman retaining the least respect for herself could at
the same time retain any regard for such a husband. The state of affairs
between this imperial couple may have been very unpleasant; but at least
a semblance of harmony was preserved. Hadrian even protected his wife;
when Suetonius the historian in some way failed in proper respect for
Sabina, the emperor immediately banished him from the court. The empress
also seems to have accompanied her husband on many of his extensive
journeys. We have an interesting proof and record of her having been
with him in Egypt. She ascended the Nile as far as Thebes and visited
the statue of Memnon, the son of Aurora, who was reported to sing every
morning in honor of his radiant mother's return.
Balbilla the poetess
caused three of her verses to be engraved on the leg of the statue, in
which she records this visit. They are dated the twentieth and
twenty-first of November, 130. It seems that the god did not show proper
respect for Sabina, nor did he in the least stand in awe of "the angry
countenance of the empress," for on the occasion of her first visit he
was not in a singing mood.
From her portraits, one would not judge Sabina to have been of a morose
and bitter disposition. There is in the Vatican a statue of the empress
represented as Venus Genitrix, while there is also a bust of her in the
Capitol Museum. If these are faithful likenesses, it is as difficult to
believe that Sabina was of an unamiable disposition as it is to
understand Hadrian's preference for Antinous. In connection with this
subject Gibbon says that, down to the time of Hadrian, Claudius was the
only emperor whose taste in love matters was at all correct. This being
the case, it is only just to say that, if example could afford it, the
empresses had ample excuse for the most flagrant irregularities recorded
of them.
Antoninus Pius was adopted by Hadrian and designated his successor,
without the aid of any woman whatsoever--except that Sabina failed to
provide an occupant for the throne by the act of maternity.
The wife of Antoninus was Annia Galeria Faustina. She had borne him four
children; but at the time of his accession only one daughter, named
after her mother, survived. The annals of the period of this reign are
extremely meagre and unsatisfactory. It has been said that while the
unanimous praises that are bestowed upon the virtues of Antoninus earn
for him in pagan history the place held by Saint Louis among Christian
kings, his political career is so uncertain that, as emperor, he
appears before us a half-effaced figure, whose outlines are wholly
indistinct.
Faustina the Elder did not live long to enjoy the dignity of empress;
but in private life she had established for herself such a reputation,
if all accounts be true, that she simply added one more to the list of
immoral empresses who had disgraced the palace. Yet it must be admitted
that t