History of Modern Philosophy From Nicolas of Cusa to the Present Time by Richard Falckenberg - HTML preview

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The first of the Letters discusses the prejudices of mankind; the second,

the heathen doctrine of immortality; the third, the origin of idolatry;

while the fourth and fifth are devoted to Spinoza, the chief defect in

whose philosophy is declared to be the absence of an explanation of motion.

Motion belongs to the notion of matter as necessarily as extension and

impenetrability. Matter is always in motion; rest is only the reciprocal

interference of two moving forces. The differences of things depend on the

various movements of the particles of matter, so that it is motion which

individualizes matter in general into particular things.

As the Letters

ascribe the purposive construction of organic beings to a divine reason, so

the _Pantheisticon_ also stops short before it reaches the extreme of naked

materialism. Everything is from the whole; the whole is infinite, one,

eternal, all-rational. God is the force of the whole, the soul of

the world, the law of nature. The treatise includes a liturgy of the

pantheistic society with many quotations from the ancient poets.

Anthony Collins (1676-1729), in his _Discourse of Freethinking_, shows

the right of free thought _(i. e_., of judgment on rational grounds) in

general, from the principle that no truth is forbidden to us, and that

there is no other way by which we can attain truth and free ourselves from

superstition, and the right to apply it to God and the Bible in particular,

from the fact that the clergy differ concerning the most important matters.

The fear that the differences of opinion which spring from freethinking may

endanger the peace of society lacks foundation; on the contrary, it is

only restriction of the freedom of thought which leads to disorders, by

weakening moral zeal. The clergy are the only ones who condemn liberty of

thought. It is sacrilege to hold that error can be beneficial and truth

harmful. As a proof that freethinking by no means corrupts character,

Collins gives in conclusion a list of noble freethinkers from Socrates down

to Locke and Tillotson. Among the replies to the views of Collins we may

mention the calmly objective Boyle Lectures by Ibbot, and the sharp and

witty letter of Richard Bentley, the philologist.

Neither of these attacks

Collins's leading principle, both fully admitting the right to employ the

reason, even in religious questions; but they dispute the implication that

freethinking is equivalent to contentious opposition. On the one hand, they

maintain that Collins's thinking is too free, that is, unbridled, hasty,

presumptuous, and paradoxical; on the other, that it is not free enough

(from prejudice).

After Shaftesbury had based morality on a natural instinct for the

beautiful and had made it independent of religion, as well as served the

cause of free thought by a keenly ironical campaign against enthusiasm and

orthodoxy, and Clarke had furnished the representatives of natural religion

a useful principle of morals in the objective rationality of things, the

debate concerning prophecy and miracles[1] threatened to dissipate the

deistic movement into scattered theological skirmishes.

At this juncture

Matthew Tindal (1657-1733) led it back to the main question. His

_Christianity as Old as the Creation_ is the doomsday book of deism.

It contains all that has been given above as the core of this view of

religion. Christ came not to bring in a new doctrine, but to exhort to

repentance and atonement, and to restore the law of nature, which is as old

as the creation, as universal as reason, and as unchangeable as God,

human nature, and the relations of things, which we should respect in our

actions. Religion is morality; more exactly, it is the free, constant

disposition to do as much good as possible, and thereby to promote the

glory of God and our own welfare. For the harmony of our conduct with

the rules of reason constitutes our perfection, and on this depends our

happiness. Since God is infinitely blessed and self-sufficient his purpose

in the moral law is man's happiness alone. Whatever a positive religion

contains beyond the moral law is superstition, which puts emphasis on

worthless trivialities. The true religion occupies the happy mean between

miserable unfaith, on the one hand, and timorous superstition, wild

fanaticism, and pietistical zeal on the other. In proclaiming the

sovereignty of reason in the sphere of religion as well as elsewhere, we

are only openly demanding what our opponents have tacitly acknowledged in

practice _(e. g_.> in allegorical interpretation) from time immemorial. God

has endowed us with reason in order that we should by it distinguish truth

from falsehood.

[Footnote 1: The chief combatant in the conflict over the argument from

prophecy, which was called forth by Whiston's corruption hypothesis,

was Collins _(A Discourse of the Grounds and Reasons of the Christian

Religion_, 1724). Christianity is based on Judaism; its fundamental article

is that Jesus is the prophesied Messiah of the Jews, its chief proof the

argument from Old Testament prophecy, which, it is true, depends on the

typical or allegorical interpretation of the passages in question. Whoever

rejects this cuts away the ground from under the Christian revelation,

which is only the allegorical import of the revelation of the Jews.--The

second proof of revelation, the argument from miracles, was shaken by

Thomas Woolston _(Six Discourses on the Miracles of our Saviour_, 1727-30),

by his extension of the allegorical interpretation to these also. He

supported himself in this by the authority of the Church Fathers, and,

above all, by the argument that the accounts of the miracles, if taken

literally, contradict all sense and understanding. The unavoidable doubts

which arise concerning the literal interpretation of the resurrection of

the dead, the healing of the sick, the driving out of devils, and the other

miracles, prove that these were intended only as symbolic representations

of the mysterious and wonderful effects which Jesus was to accomplish. Thus

Jairus's daughter means the Jewish Church, which is to be revived at the

second coming of Christ; Lazarus typifies humanity, which will be raised

again at the last day; the account of the bodily resurrection of Jesus is

a symbol of his spiritual resurrection from his grave in the letter of

Scripture. Sherlock, whose _Trial of the Witnesses of the Resurrection of

Jesus_ was long considered a cogent answer to the attacks of Woolston,

was opposed by Peter Annet, who, without leaving the refuge of figurative

interpretation open, proceeded still more regardlessly in the discovery of

contradictory and incredible elements in the Gospel reports, and declared

all the scriptural writers together to be liars and falsifiers. If a man

believes in miracles as supernatural interferences with the regular course

of nature (and they must be so taken if they are to certify to the divine

origin of the Scriptures), he makes God mutable, and natural laws imperfect

arrangements which stand in need of correction. The truth of religion is

independent of all history.]

Thomas Chubb (1679-1747), a man of the people (he was a glove maker and

tallow-chandler), and from 1715 on a participant in deistic literature and

concerned to adapt the new ideas to the men of his class, preached in _The

True Gospel of Jesus Christ_ an honorable working-man's Christianity.,

Faith means obedience to the law of reason inculcated by Christ, not the

acceptance of the facts reported about him. The gospel of Christ was

preached to the poor before his death and his asserted resurrection and

ascension. It is probable that Christ really lived, because of the great

effect of his message; but he was a man like other men.

His gospel is his

teaching, not his history, his own teaching, not that of his followers--the

reflections of the apostles are private opinions.

Christ's teaching

amounts, in effect, to these three fundamental principles: (1) Conform

to the rational law of love to God and one's neighbor; this is the only

ground of divine acceptance. (2) After transgression of the law, repentance

and reformation are the only grounds of divine grace and forgiveness. (3)

At the last day every one will be rewarded according to his works. By

proclaiming these doctrines, by carrying them out in his own pure life

and typical death, and by founding religio-ethical associations on the

principle of brotherly equality, Christ selected the means best fitted for

the attainment of his purpose, the salvation of human souls. His aim was

to assure men of future happiness (and of the earthly happiness connected

therewith), and to make them worthy of it; and this happiness can only be

attained when from free conviction we submit ourselves to the natural moral

law, which is grounded on the moral fitness of things.

Everything which

leads to the illusion that the favor of God is attainable by any other

means than by righteousness and repentance, is pernicious; as, also, the

confusion of Christian societies with legal and civil societies, which

pursue entirely different aims.

Thomas Morgan _(The Moral Philosopher, a Dialogue between the Christian

Deist, Philalethes, and the Christian Jew, Theophanes, 1737 seq_.) stands

on the same ground as his predecessors, by holding that the moral truth of

things is the criterion of the divinity of a doctrine, that the Christian

religion is merely a restoration of natural religion, and that the apostles

were not infallible. Peculiar to him are the application of the first of

these principles to the Mosaic law, with the conclusion that this was not a

revelation; the complete separation of the New Testament from the Old (the

Church of Christ and the expected kingdom of the Jewish Messiah are as

opposed to each other as heaven and earth); and the endeavor to give a

more exact explanation of the origin of superstition, the pre-Christian

manifestations of which he traces back to the fall of the angels, and those

since Christ to the intermixture of Jewish elements. He seeks to solve his

problem by a detailed critique of Israelitish history, which is lacking in

sympathy but not in spirit, and in which, introducing modern relations

into the earliest times, he explains the Old Testament miracles in part as

myths, in part as natural phenomena, and deprives the heroes of the Jews of

their moral renown. The Jewish historians are ranked among the poets; the

God of Israel is reduced to a subordinate, local tutelary divinity; the

moral law of Moses is characterized as a civil code limited to external

conduct, to national and mundane affairs, with merely temporal sanctions,

and the ceremonial law as an act of worldly statecraft; David is declared

a gifted poet, musician, hypocrite, and coward; the prophets are made

professors of theology and moral philosophy; and Paul is praised as the

greatest freethinker of his time, who defended reason against authority

and rejected the Jewish ritual law as indifferent.

Whatever is spurious in

Christianity is a remnant of Judaism, all its mysteries are misunderstood

and falsely (_i.e._ literally) applied allegories. Out of regard for Jewish

prejudices Christ's death was figuratively described as sacrificial, as in

earlier times Moses had been forced to yield to the Egyptian superstitions

of his people. Morgan looks for the final victory of the rational morality

of the pure, Pauline, or deistic Christianity over the Jewish Christianity

of orthodoxy. Among the works of his opponents the following deserve

mention: William Warburton's _Divine Legation of Moses, and_ Samuel

Chandler's _Vindication of the History of the Old Testament_.

It maybe doubted whether Bolingbroke (died 1751; cf. p.

203) is to be

classed among the deists or among their opponents. On the one hand, he

finds in monotheism the original true religion, which has degenerated

into superstition through priestly cunning and fantastical philosophy; in

primitive Christianity, the system of natural religion, which has been

transformed into a complicated and contentious science by its weak,

foolish, or deceitful adherents; in theology, the corruption of religion;

in Bacon, Descartes, and Locke, types of untrammeled investigation. On

the other hand, he seeks to protect revelation from the reason whose

cultivation he has just commended, and to keep faith and knowledge

distinct, while he demands that the Bible, with all the undemonstrable

and absurd elements which it contains, be accepted on its own authority.

Religion is an instrument indispensable to the government for keeping the

people in subjection. Only the fear of a higher power, not the reason,

holds the masses in check; and the freethinkers do wrong in taking a bit

out of the mouth of the sensual multitude, when it were better to add to

those already there.

As Hume, the skeptic, leads empiricism to its fall, so Hume, the

philosopher of religion (see below), leads deism toward dissolution. Among

those who defended revealed Christianity against the deistical attacks we

may mention the names of Conybeare (1732) and Joseph Butler (1736). The

former argues from the imperfection and mutability of our reason to like

characteristics in natural religion. Butler (cf. p. 206) does not admit

that natural and revealed religion are mutually exclusive. Christian

revelation lends a higher authority to natural religion, in which she finds

her foundation, and adapts it to the given relations and needs of mankind,

adding, however, to the rational law of virtue new duties toward God the

Son and God the Holy Ghost. It is evident that in order to be able to deal

with their opponents, the apologetes are forced to accommodate themselves

to the deistic principle of a rational criticism of revelation.

Notwithstanding the fear which this principle inspired in the men of the

time, it soon penetrated the thought even of its opponents, and found

its way into the popular mind through the channels of the Illumination.

Although it was often defended and applied with violence and with a

superfluous hatred of the clergy, it forms the justifiable element in the

endeavors of the deists. It is a commonplace to-day that everything which

claims to be true and valid must justify itself before the criticism of

reason; but then this principle, together with the distinction between

natural and positive religion based upon it, exerted an enlightening and

liberating influence. The real flaw in the deistical theory, which was

scarcely felt as such, even by its opponents, was its lack of religious

feeling and all historical sense, a lack which rendered the idea acceptable

that religions could be "made," and priestly falsehoods become world-moving

forces. Hume was the first to seek to rise above this unspeakable

shallowness. There was a remarkable conflict between the ascription to

man, on the one hand, of an assured treasure of religious knowledge in

the reason, and the abandonment of him, on the other, to the juggling of

cunning priests and despots. Thus the deists had no sense either for the

peculiarities of an inward religious feeling, which, in happy prescience,

rises above the earthly circle of moral duties to the world beyond, or for

the involuntary, historically necessary origin and growth of the particular

forms of religion. Here, again, we find that turning away from will and

feeling to thought, from history to nature, from the oppressive complexity

of that which has been developed to the simplicity of that which is

original, which we have noted as one of the most prominent characteristics

of the modern period.

%3. Moral Philosophy.%

The watchword of deism was "independence in religion"; that of modern

ethical philosophy is "independence in morals." Hobbes had given this out

in opposition to the mediaeval dependence of ethics on theology; now it was

turned against himself, for he had delivered morality from ecclesiastical

bondage only to subject it to the no less oppressive and unworthy yoke of

the civil power. Selfish consideration, so he had taught, leads men to

transfer by contract all power to the ruler. Right is that which the

sovereign enjoins, wrong that which he forbids. Thus morality was conceived

in a purely negative way as justice, and based on interest and agreement.

Cumberland, recognizing the one-sidedness of the first of these positions,

announces the principle of universal benevolence, at which Bacon had hinted

before him, and in which he is followed by the school of Shaftesbury.

Opposition to the foundation of ethics on self-love and convention, again,

springs up in three forms, one idealistic, one logical, and one aesthetic.

Ethical ideas have not arisen artificially through shrewd calculation and

agreement, but have a natural origin. Cudworth, returning to Plato and

Descartes, assumes an innate idea of the good. Clarke and Woolston base

moral distinctions on the rational order of things, and characterize

the ethically good action as a logical truth translated into practice.

Shaftesbury derives ethical ideas and actions from a natural instinct for

judging the good and the beautiful. Moreover, Hobbes's ethics of interest

experiences, first, correction at the hands of Locke (who, along with a

complete recognition of the "legal" character of the good, distinguishes

the sphere of morality from that of mere law, and brings it under the

law of "reputation," hence of a "tacit" agreement), and then a frivolous

intensification under Mandeville and Bolingbroke. A preliminary conclusion

is reached in the ethical labors of Hume and Smith.

Richard Cumberland _(De Legibus Naturae_, 1672) turns to experience with

the questions, In what does morality consist? Whence does it arise? and

What is the nature of moral obligation? and finds these answers: Those

actions are good, or in conformity to the moral law of nature, which

promote the common good _(commune bonum summa lex)_.

Individual welfare

must be subordinated to the good of all, of which it forms only a part. The

psychological roots of virtuous action are the social and disinterested

affections, which nature has implanted in all beings, especially in those

endowed with reason. There is nothing in man more pleasing to God than

love. We recognize our obligation to the virtue of benevolence, or that God

commands it, from the rewards and punishments which we perceive to follow

the fulfillment or non-fulfillment of the law,--the subordination of

individual to universal good is the only means of attaining true happiness

and contentment. Men are dependent on mutual benevolence. He who labors

for the good of the whole system of rational beings furthers thereby the

welfare of the individual parts, among whom he himself is one; individual

happiness cannot be separated from general happiness.

All duties are

implied in the supreme one: Give to others, and preserve thyself. This

principle of benevolence, advanced by Cumberland with homely simplicity,

received in the later development of English ethics, for which it pointed

out the way, a more careful foundation.

The series of emancipations of morality begins with the Intellectual System

of Ralph Cud worth _(The Intellectual System of the Universe_, 1678; _A

Treatise concerning Eternal and Immutable Morality_, 1731). Ethical ideas

come neither from experience nor from civil legislation nor from the will

of God, but are necessary ideas in the divine and the human reason. Because

of their simplicity, universality, and immutability, it is impossible for

them to arise from experience, which never yields anything but that which

is particular and mutable. It is just as impossible that they should spring

from political constitutions, which have a temporal origin, which are

transitory, and which differ from one another. For if obedience to positive

law is right and disobedience wrong, then moral distinctions must have

existed before the law; if, on the other hand, obedience to the civil law

is morally indifferent, then more than ever is it impossible that this

should be the basis of the moral distinctions in question. A law can bind

us only in virtue of that which is necessarily, absolutely, or _per se_

right; therefore the good is independent, also, of the will of God. The

absolutely good is an eternal truth which God does not create by an act of

his will, but which he finds present in his reason, and which, like the

other ideas, he impresses on created spirits. On the _a priori_ ideas

depends the possibility of science, for knowledge is the perception of

necessary truth.

In agreement with Cudworth that the moral law is dependent neither on human

compact nor on the divine will, Samuel Clarke (died 1729) finds the eternal

principles of justice, goodness, and truth, which God observes in his

government of the universe, and which should also be the guide of human

action, embodied in the nature of things or in their properties, powers,

and relations, in virtue of which certain things, relations, and modes

of action are suited to one another, and others not.

Morality is the

subjective conformity of conduct to this objective fitness of things; the

good is the fitting. Moral rules, to which we are bound by conscience and

by rational insight, are valid independently of the command of God and of

all hope or fear in reference to the life to come, although the principles

of religion furnish them an effective support, and one which is almost

indispensable in view of the weakness of human nature.

They are not

universally observed, indeed, but universally acknowledged; even the

vicious man cannot refrain from praising virtue in others. He who is

induced by the voice of passion to act contrary to the eternal relations

or harmony of things, contradicts his own reason in thus undertaking to

disturb the order of the universe; he commits the absurdity of willing that

things should be that which they are not. Injustice is in practice that

which falsity and contradiction are in theoretical affairs. In his

well-known controversy with Leibnitz, Clarke defends the freedom of the

will against the determinism of the German philosopher.

In William Wollaston (died 1724), with whom the logical point of view

becomes still more apparent, Clarke found a thinker who shared his

convictions that the subjective moral principle of interest was

insufficient, and, hence, an objective principle to be sought; that

morality consists in the suitableness of the action to the nature and

destination of the object, and that, in the last analysis, it is coincident

with truth. The highest destination of man is, on the one hand, to know the

truth, and, on the other, to express it in actions. That act is good whose

execution includes the affirmation (and its omission the negation) of a

truth. According to the law of nature, a rational being ought so to conduct

himself that he shall never contradict a truth by his actions, _i. e_., to

treat each thing for what it is. Every immoral action is a false judgment;

the violation of a contract is a practical denial of it.

The man who is

cruel to animals declares by his act that the creature maltreated is

something which in fact it is not, a being devoid of feeling. The murderer

acts as though he were able to restore life to his victim. He who, in

disobedience toward God, deals with things in a way contrary to their

nature, behaves as though he were mightier than the author of nature. To

this equation of truth and morality happiness is added as a third identical

member. The truer the pleasures of a being the happier it is; and a