History of Modern Philosophy From Nicolas of Cusa to the Present Time by Richard Falckenberg - HTML preview

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Cartesianism in the religious direction adopted by Pascal. His thought

is controlled by the endeavor to combine Cartesian metaphysics and

Augustinian Christianity, those two great forces which constituted the

double citadel of his order. His collected works appeared three years

before his death; and a new edition in four volumes, prepared by

J. Simon, in 1871. His chief work, _On the Search for Truth_ (new edition

by F. Bouillier, 1880), appeared in 1675, and was followed by the

_Treatise on Ethics_ (new edition by H. Joly, 1882) and the _Christian

and Metaphysical Meditations_ in 1684, the _Discussions on Metaphysics and

on Religion_ in 1688, and various polemic treatises. The best known among

the doctrines of Malebranche is the principle that _we see all things in

God (que nous voyons toutes choses en Dieu_.--

_Recherche_, iii. 2, 6). What

does this mean, and how is it established? It is intended as an answer to

the question, How is it possible for the mind to cognize the body if, as

Descartes has shown, mind and body are two fundamentally distinct and

reciprocally independent substances?

The seeker after truth must first understand the sources of error. Of these

there are two, or, more exactly, five--as many as there are faculties of

the soul. Error may spring from either the cognitive or the appetitive

faculty; in the first case, either from sense-perception, the imagination,

or the pure understanding, and, in the latter, from the inclinations or the

passions. The inclinations and the passions do not reveal the nature of

things, but only express how they affect us, of what value they are to

us. Further still, the senses and the imagination only reproduce the

impressions which things make on us as feeling subjects, express only what

they are for us, not what they are in themselves. The senses have been

given us simply for the preservation of our body, and so long as we expect

nothing further from them than practical information concerning the

(useful or hurtful) relation of things to our body, there is no reason for

mistrusting them,--here we are not deceived by sensation, but at most by

the overhasty judgment of the will. "Consider the senses as false witnesses

in regard to the truth, but as trustworthy counselors in relation to the

interests of life!"--Sensation and imagination belong to the soul in virtue

of its union with the body; apart from this it is pure spirit. The essence

of the soul is thought, for this function is the only one which cannot be

abstracted from it without destroying it. Hence there can be no moment in

the life of the soul when it ceases to think; it thinks always (_l'âme

pense toujours_), only it does not always remember the fact.

The kinds of knowledge differ with the classes of things cognized. God is

known immediately and intuitively. He is necessary and unlimited being,

the universal, infinite being, being absolutely; he only is known through

himself. The concept of the infinite is the presupposition of the concept

of the finite, and the former is earlier in us; we gain the conception of

a particular thing only when we omit something from the idea of "being in

general," or limit it. God is cogitative, like spirits, and extended, like

bodies, but in an entirely different manner from created things. We know

our own soul through consciousness or inner perception.

We know its

existence more certainly than that of bodies, but understand its nature

less perfectly than theirs. To know that it is capable of sensations of

pain, of heat, of light, we must have experienced them.

For knowledge

of the minds of others we are dependent upon conjecture, on analogical

inferences from ourselves.

But how is the unextended soul capable of cognizing extended body? Only

through the medium of _ideas_. The ideas occupy an intermediate position

between objects, whose archetypes they are, and representations in the

soul, whose causes they are. The ideas, after the pattern of which God

has created things, and the relations among them (necessary truths), are

eternal, hence uncaused; they constitute the wisdom of God and are not

dependent on his will. Things are in God in archetypal form, and are

cognized through these their archetypes in God. Ideas are not produced by

bodies, by the emission of sensuous images,[1] nor are they originated by

the soul, or possessed by it as an innate possession.

But God is the cause

of knowledge, although he neither imparts ideas to the soul in creation nor

produces them in it on every separate occasion. The ideas or perfections of

things are in God and are beheld by spirits, who likewise dwell in God as

the universal reason. As space is the place of bodies, so God is the

place of spirits. As bodies are modes of extension, so their ideas are

modifications of the idea of extension or of

"intelligible extension." The principle stated at the beginning, that things are perceived in God, is,

therefore, supported in the following way: we perceive bodies (through

ideas, which ideas, and we ourselves, are) in God.

[Footnote 1: Malebranche's refutation of the emanation hypothesis of the

Peripatetics is acute and still worthy of attention. If bodies transmitted

to the sense-organs forms like themselves, these copies, which would

evidently be corporeal, must, by their departure, diminish the mass of the

body from which they came away, and also, because of their impenetrability,

obstruct and interfere with one another, thus destroying the possibility of

clear impressions. A further point against the image theory is furnished by

the increase in the size of an object, when approached.

And, above all, it

can never be made conceivable how motion can be transformed into sensations

or ideas.]

As the knowledge of truth has been found to consist in seeing things as God

sees them, so morality consists in man's loving things as God loves them,

or, what amounts to the same thing, in loving them to that degree which

is their due in view of their greater or less perfection. If, in the last

analysis, all cognition is knowledge of God, so all volition is loving God;

there is implanted in every creature a direction toward the Creator. God is

not only the primordial, unlimited being, he is also the highest good,

the final end of all striving. As the ideas of things are imperfect

participations in, or determinations of universal being, the absolute

perfection of God, so the particular desires, directed toward individual

objects, are limitations of the universal will toward the good. How does

it happen that the human will, so variously mistaking its fundamental

direction toward God, attaches itself to perishable goods, and prefers

worthless objects to those which have value, and earthly to heavenly

pleasure? The soul is, on the one hand, united to God, on the other, united

to the body. The possibility of error and sin rests on its union with the

body, since with the ideas (as representations of the pure understanding)

are associated sensuous images, which mingle with and becloud them, and

passions with the inclinations (or the will of the soul, in so far as it is

pure spirit). This gives, however, merely the possibility of the immoral,

sensuous, God-estranged disposition, which becomes actual only through

man's free act, when he fails to stand the test. For sin does not consist

in having passions, but in consenting to them. The passion is not caused by

the corporeal movement of which it is the sequel, but only occasioned by

it; and the same is true of the movement of the limbs and the decision

of the will. The one true cause of all that happens is God. It is he who

produces affections in the soul, and motion in the material world. For the

body possesses only the capacity of being moved; and the soul cannot be the

cause of the movement, since it would then have to know how it produces

the latter. In fact those who lack a medical training have no idea of the

muscular and nervous processes involved. Without God we cannot even move

the tongue. It is he who raises our arm, even when we use it contrary to

his law.

Anxious to guard his pantheism from being identified with that of Spinoza,

Malebranche points out that, according to his views, the universe is in

God, not, as with Spinoza, that God is in the universe; that he teaches

creation, which Spinoza denies; that he distinguishes, which Spinoza had

not done, between the world in God (the ideas of things) and the world of

created things, and between intelligible and corporeal extension. It may

be added that he maintains the freedom of God and of man, which Spinoza

rejects, and that he conceives God, who brings everything to pass, not as

nature, but as omnipotent will. Nevertheless, as Kuno Fischer has shown,

he approaches the naturalism of Spinoza more nearly than he is himself

conscious, when he explains finite things as limitations (hence as modes)

of the divine existence, posits the will of God in dependence on his wisdom

(the uncreated world of ideas), thus limiting it in its omnipotence, and,

which is decisive, makes God the sole author of motion, _i.e._, a natural

cause. His attempt at a Christian pantheism was consequently unsuccessful.

But its failure has not shattered the well-grounded fame of its thoughtful

author as the second greatest metaphysician of France.

Pierre Poiret[1] (1646-1719; for some years a preacher in Hamburg; lived

later in Rhynsburg near Leyden) was rendered hostile to Cartesianism

through the influence of mystical writings (among others those of

Antoinette Bourignon, which he published), and through the perception of

the results to which it had led in Spinoza. All cognition is taking up the

form of the object. The perfection of man is based more on his passive

capacities than on his active reason, which is concerned with mere ideas,

unreal shadows; the mathematical spirit leads to fatalism, to the denial of

freedom. The passive faculties, on the contrary, are in direct intercourse

with reality, the senses with external material objects, and the arcanum of

the mind, the basis of the soul, the intellect, with spiritual truths

and with God, whose existence is more certain than our own. Man is not

unconcerned in the development of the highest power of the mind, he must

offer himself to God in sincere humility. In subordination to the passive

intellect, the external faculty, the active reason, is also to be

cultivated; it deserves care, like the skin. Evil consists in the absurdity

that the creature, who apart from God is nothing, ascribes to himself an

independent existence.

[Footnote 1: Poiret: _Cogitationes Rationates de Deo, Anima, et Malo_,

1677, the later editions including a vehement attack on the atheism of

Spinoza: _L'Économie Divine_, 1682; _De Eruditione Solida, Superficiaria,

et Falsa_, 1692; _Fides et Ratio Collatae_, against Locke, 1707.]

Le Vayer and Huet, who have been already mentioned (pp.

50-51),

mediate between the founders of skepticism and Bayle, its most gifted

representative. The latter of these two wrote a _Criticism of the Cartesian

Philosophy_, 1689, besides a _Treatise on the Impotence of the Human Mind_,

which did not appear until after his death. He opposes, among other things,

the criterion of truth based on evidence, since there is an evidence of

the false not to be distinguished from that of the true, as well as the

position that God becomes a deceiver in the bestowal of a weak and blind

reason--for he gives us, at the same time, the power to know its deceptive

character.

As the last among those influenced by Descartes but who advanced beyond

him, may be mentioned the acute Pierre Bayle (1647-1706; professor in Sedan

and Rotterdam; _Works_, 1725-31[1]), who greatly excited the world of

letters by his occasional and polemic treatises, and still more by the

journal, _Nouvelles de la République des Lettres_ from 1684, and his

_Historical and Critical Dictionary_, in two volumes, 1695 and 1697.

Nowhere do the most opposite antitheses dwell in such close proximity as

in the mind of Bayle. Along with an ever watchful doubt he harbors a most

active zeal for knowledge, with a sincere spirit of belief (which has been

wrongly disputed by Lange, Zeller, and Pünjer) a demoniacal pleasure in

bringing to light absurdities in the doctrines of faith, with absolute

confidence in the infallibility of conscience an entirely pessimistic view

of human morality. His strength lies in criticism and polemics, his work in

the latter (aside from his hostility to fanaticism and the persecution of

those differing in faith) being directed chiefly against optimism and the

deistic religion of reason, which holds the Christian dogmas capable of

proof, or, at least, faith and knowledge capable of reconciliation. The

doctrines of faith are not only above reason, incomprehensible, but

contrary to reason; and it is just on this that our merit in accepting

them depends. The mysteries of the Gospel do not seek success before the

judgment seat of thought, they demand the blind submission of the reason;

nay, if they were objects of knowledge they would cease to be mysteries.

Thus we must choose between religion and philosophy, for they cannot be

combined. For one who is convinced of the untrustworthiness of the reason

and her lack of competence in things supernatural, it is in no wise

contradictory or impossible to receive as true things which she declares

to be false; he will thank God for the gift of a faith which is entirely

independent of the clearness of its objects and of its agreement with the

axioms of philosophy. Even, when in purely scientific questions he calls

attention to difficulties and shows contradictions on every hand, Bayle by

no means intends to hold up principles with contradictory implications as

false, but only as uncertain.[2] The reason, he says, generalizing from his

own case, is capable only of destruction, not of construction; of

discovering error, not of finding truth; of finding reasons and

counter-reasons, of exciting doubt and controversy, not of vouchsafing

certitude. So long as it contents itself with controverting that which is

false, it is potent and salutary; but when, despising divine assistance, it

advances beyond this, it becomes dangerous, like a caustic drug which

attacks the healthy flesh after it has consumed that which was diseased.

[Footnote 1: Cf. on Bayle, L. Feuerbach. 1838, 2d ed., 1844; Eucken in the

_Allgemeine Zeitung_, supplement to Nos. 251, 252, October 27, 28, 1891.]

[Footnote 2: Thus, in regard to the problem of freedom, he finds it hard

to comprehend how the creatures, who are not the authors of their own

existence, can be the authors of their own actions, but, at the same time,

inadmissible to think of God as the cause of evil. He seeks only to show

the indemonstrability and incomprehensibility of freedom, not to reject it.

For he sees in it the condition of morality, and calls attention to

the fact that the difficulties in which those who deny freedom involve

themselves are far greater than those of their opponents. He shows himself

entirely averse to the determinism and pantheism of Spinoza.]

He who seeks to refute skepticism must produce a criterion of truth. If

such exists, it is certainly that advanced by Descartes, the evidence, the

evident clearness of a principle. Well, then, the following principles pass

for evident: That one, who does not exist, can have no responsibility for

an evil action; that two things, which are identical with the same thing,

are identical with each other; that I am the same man to-day that I was

yesterday. Now, the revealed doctrines of original sin and of the Trinity

show that the first and second of these axioms are false, and the Church

doctrine of the preservation of the world as a continuous creation, that

the last principle is uncertain. Thus if not even self-evidence furnishes

us a criterion of truth, we must conclude that none whatever exists.

Further, in regard to the origin of the world from a single principle, its

creation by God, we find this supported, no doubt, both by the conclusions

of the pure reason and by the consideration of nature, but controvened by

the fact of evil, by the misery and wickedness of man.

Is it conceivable

that a holy and benevolent God has created so unhappy and wicked a being?

Bayle's motives in defending faith against reason were, on the one hand,

his personal piety, on the other, his conviction of the unassailable purity

of Christian ethics. All the sects agree in regard to moral principles, and

it is this which assures us of the divinity of the Christian revelation.

Nevertheless, he does not conceal from himself the fact that possession of

the theoretical side of religion is far from being a guarantee of practice

in conformity with her precepts. It is neither true that faith alone leads

to morality nor that unbelief is the cause of immorality. A state composed

of atheists would be not at all impossible, if only strict punishments and

strict notions of honor were insisted upon.

The judgments of the natural reason in moral questions are as certain

and free from error as its capacity is shown to be weak and limited in

theoretical science. The idea of morality never deceives anyone; the moral

law is innate in every man. Although Christianity has given the best

development of our duties, yet the moral law can be understood and followed

by all men, even by heathen and atheists. We do not need to be Christians

in order to act virtuously; the knowledge given by conscience is not

dependent upon revelation. From the knowledge of the good to the practice

of it is, it is true, a long step; we may be convinced of moral truth

without loving it, and God's grace alone is able to strengthen us against

the power of the passions, by adding to the illumination of the mind an

inclination of the heart toward the good. Temperament, custom, self-love

move the soul more strongly than general truths. As in life pleasure is far

outbalanced by pain and vexation, so far more evil acts are done than good

ones: history is a collection of misdeeds, with scarcely one virtuous act

for a thousand crimes. It is not the external action that constitutes the

ethical character of a deed, but the motive or disposition; almsgiving from

motives of pride is a vice, and only when practiced out of love to one's

neighbors, a virtue. God looks only at the act of the will; our highest

duty, and one which admits of no exceptions, is never to act contrary to

conscience.

CHAPTER IV.

LOCKE.

After the Cartesian philosophy had given decisive expression to the

tendencies of modern thought, and had been developed through occasionalism

to its completion in the system of Spinoza, the line of further progress

consisted in two factors: Descartes's principles--one-sidedly rationalistic

and abstractly scientific, as they were--were, on the one hand, to be

supplemented by the addition of the empirical element which Descartes had

neglected, and, on the other, to be made available for general culture by

approximation to the interests of practical life.

England, with its freer

and happier political conditions, was the best place for the accomplishment

of both ends, and Locke, a typically healthy and sober English thinker,

with a distaste for extreme views, the best adapted mind. Descartes, the

rationalist, had despised experience, and Bacon, the empiricist, had

despised mathematics; but Locke aims to show that while the reason is the

instrument of science, demonstration its form, and the realm of knowledge

wider than experience, yet this instrument and this form are dependent for

their content on a supply of material from the senses.

The emphasis, it is

true, falls chiefly on the latter half of this programme, and posterity,

especially, has almost exclusively attended to the empirical side of

Locke's theory of knowledge in giving judgment concerning it.

John Locke was born at Wrington, not far from Bristol, in 1632. At Oxford

he busied himself with philosophy, natural science, and medicine, being

repelled by the Scholastic thinkers, but strongly attracted by the writings

of Descartes. In 1665 he became secretary to the English ambassador to the

Court of Brandenburg. Returning thence to Oxford he made the acquaintance

of Lord Anthony Ashley (from 1672 Earl of Shaftesbury; died in Holland

1683), who received him into his own household as a friend, physician, and

tutor to his son (the father of Shaftesbury, the moral philosopher), and

with whose varying fortunes Locke's own were henceforth to be intimately

connected. Twice he became secretary to his patron (once in 1667--with

an official secretaryship in 1672, when Shaftesbury became Lord

Chancellor--and again in 1679, when he became President of the Council),

but both times he lost his post on his friend's fall.

The years 1675-79

were spent in Montpellier and Paris. In 1683 he went into voluntary exile

in Holland (where Shaftesbury had died in January of the same year), and

remained there until 1689, when the ascension of the throne by William of

Orange made it possible for him to return to England.

Here he was made

Commissioner of Appeals, and, subsequently, one of the Commissioners of

Trade and Plantations (till 1700). He died in 1704 at Gates, in Essex, at

the house of Sir Francis Masham, whose wife was the daughter of Cudworth,

the philosopher.

Locke's chief work, _An Essay concerning Human Understanding_, which had

been planned as early as 1670, was published in 1689-90, a short abstract

of it having previously appeared in French in Le Clerc's _Bibliothèque

Universelle_, 1688. His theoretical works include, further, the two

posthumous treatises, _On the Conduct of the Understanding_ (originally

intended for incorporation in the fourth edition of the _Essay_, which,

however, appeared in 1700 without this chapter, which probably had proved

too extended) and the _Elements of Natural Philosophy_.

To political

and politico-economic questions Locke contributed the two _Treatises on

Government_, 1690, and three essays on money and the coinage. In the year

1689 appeared the first of three _Letters on Tolerance_, followed, in 1693,

by _Some Thoughts on Education_, and, in 1695, by _The Reasonableness of

Christianity as delivered in the Scriptures_. The collected works appeared

for the first time in 1714, and in nine volumes in 1853; the philosophical

works (edited by St. John) are given in Bonn's Standard Library

(1867-68).[1]

[Footnote 1: Lord King and Fox Bourne have written on Locke's life, 1829

and 1876. A comparison of Locke's theory of knowledge with Leibnitz's

critique was published by Hartenstein in 1865, and one by Von Benoit (prize

dissertation) in 1869, and an exposition of his theory of substance by De

Fries in 1879. Victor Cousin's _Philosophie de Locke_

has passed through

six editions. [Among more recent English discussions reference may be made

to Green's Introduction to Hume's _Treatise on Human Nature_, 1874 (new ed.

1890), which is a valuable critique of the line of development, Locke,

Berkeley, Hume; Fowler's _Locke_, in the English Men of Letters, 1880; and

Fraser's _Locke_, in Blackwood's Philosophical Classics, 1890.--TR.]]

%(a) Theory of Knowledge.%--Locke's theory of knowledge is controlled by

two tendencies, one native, furnished by the Baconian empiricism, and the