Kim Yeol-gyu
1) Terminology
Hyangga is the name used to describe a genre of songs written in a script called hyangchal mainly during the Silla dynasty (53 B.C - 918 A.D.) and the early part of the Koryeo dynasty (918-1388). The term is also used more loosely to encompass all the Korean language lyric forms of this period and to set them apart from the Chinese language poetic forms that existed during the T’ang dynasty. In fact, there are, altogether, three terms that have been traditionally used to describe this genre tosolga, sanuiga and hyangga and they are usually defined as follows:
tosolga: A short, extremely simple lyric form that was originally embedded in a lengthier epic form of religious content. Extracted, it may stand as an independent work.
sanuiga: A song form originally associated with a particular locality near the Silla capital Gyeongju. One important theory holds that in time it came to stand for the entire corpus of Silla lyric poetry.
hyangga: Strictly speaking, the poetry of the Silla and Koryeo Periods written in Korean by means of the idu or hyangchal scripts.
More broadly, the native Korean (as opposed to Chinese) poetic tradition. Thus hyangga is used as a generic term embracing both the tosolga and sanuiga forms, while the fact that most surviving hyangga are, in fact, sanuiga has led to an identification of sanuiga with hyangga.
The sanuiga were Buddhistic in content and possessed a very fixed poetic form. The form appears to have been influenced by Sanskrit hymns and Chinese sacred songs in its development and was an important component in the development of Korean and Japanese religious songs.
It remains true to say that while the influence of Chinese sacred songs aided its development, the sanuiga represent an essentially autonomous artistic development.
Hyangga appear to date back at least to the tosolga of the Silla King Yu Ri(24-57). There is a reference to the tosolga being sung in sanuiga form and so the sanuiga makes its earliest appearance as a component of the tosolga form. Subsequently, sanuiga rose from its folk origins some time around the 3rd. C. to become established at the Silla court with accompanying music and dance forms. Then with the transmission of Buddhism to Korea it became an established Buddhist hymnal form possessing, finally, ten lines. The sanuiga appear to have been widely sung both before and after the unification of the Three Kingdoms (668) and a reference attests to the compilation of a major anthology in 888, the Samdaemok(Catalogue of Three Generations) by the consort of Queen Jin Seong. Wihong, and a Buddhist monk, Taeko. This work has not survived. Today, there are in all only twenty-five surviving hyangga fourteen in the Samgukyusa (13th C.) and eleven in the Gyunyeojeon (1075).
2) The hyangga form
The Japanese scholar Okura Shimpei (1882-1944), who was one of the first to put forward phonetic readings for the 25 lyrics written in idu script, identified three distinct forms among the hyangga in the Samgukyusa—ten-line, eight-line, and four-line. This division was not the outcome of any rigorous application of criteria for distinguishing between forms but such was the esteem in which Okura was held by later scholars that they tended to simply adopt his schema.
According to Okura, four of the fourteen in the Samgukyusa represented the essentially pure, artless folk form of the four-line lyric. These were Seodong-yo (Mattung, the Potato Boy), Pung-yo (Folk Song). Heonhwa-ga (A Gift of Flowers) and Tosol-ga (Fourth Heaven). Then there were three 8-line lyrics — Mochukchirang-ga (Grieving for My Lord Taemal), Cheo-yong-ga (Song of Cheo-yong), and Won-ga (Song of Grievance). The remaining eight plus the eleven songs in the Gyunyeojeon were ten-line songs. The eight and ten-line forms are believed to have developed much later than the four line form and were much more sophisticated in their content and their construction.
3) The authors of the hyangga
Of the twenty-five surviving hyangga seventeen were written by priests, three by hwarang, two by women; there are two folk songs and in one case authorship is unknown.
One should bear in mind, though, that the respective compilers of the Samgukyusa and the Gyunyeojeon were both Buddhist priests and Silla culture was a Buddhist culture, as is well-known. Buddhism was highly esteemed and its priests were men of learning who enjoyed considerable social status. Thus it was that while the origins of hyangga (and especially sanuiga) lay in folk-song forms, the literate class that existed after the entry of Chinese poetic forms into Korea (6th century A.D.) mainly consisted of Buddhist monks and this fact enables us to understand their influence on the authorship and content of sanuiga. As for the hwarang, they themselves followed Buddhist teachings and had close ties with monks. Furthermore, when we remember that the two women to whom hyangga are attributed had strong Buddhist connections — the wife of Gwangdeok (Seeking Eternal Life, Won-wangsaeng-ga) was a nun and Hui Myong (Praying to the Gwaneum with 1,000 Hands, Tocheonsu-Gwaneum-ga) was a devout believer—this gives 22 out of the 25 strong Buddhist connections, which thus also means a strong affiliation with literate (as opposed to popular) culture. Thus, division of the hyangga on the basis of ascribed authorship emphasizes their status as the literature of Silla aristocracy. This is what one would expect, after all, for their refined expression and the subtle thoughts they express could not have been the work of ordinary hands.
4) The content of hyangga
The key to the content of hyangga lies in their strong Buddhist affiliations. In fact, a characteristic of Korean Buddhist literature seems to have been its development as a branch of Buddhist art that developed alongside ceremonial music and Sanskrit hymns. In doing so it assumed the form of song lyrics reflecting Buddhist teachings or else simply song-forms that accompanied ceremonial.
Among the hyangga that have survived, those whose Buddhist content is especially marked include the Gyunyeojeon songs which emanate directly from Hwayen Sutra teachings, Seeking Eternal Life (Won-wangsaeng-ga) with its invocation of Amitabha, and Song of the Fourth Heaven (Tosol-ga) with its Pure Landism. Hyangga scholars, in fact, make almost constant reference to this essential Buddhist background.
However, as Buddhism was not a present factor in the actual development of hyangga it is equally important to consider an older sub-stratum in Korean thought, and one that is in fact not limited to Korea but was widespread in North East Asia as a whole, namely, shamanism. We are probably safe in ascribing a key role to shamanism in the development of hyangga. There is, for example, the omenism present in Shin Chung’s Song of Grievance (Won-ga) and in the Cheoyong-ga. The figure of Cheo-yong in particular appears to have been a widespread shamanistic deity in North East Asia.
Apart from the sanuiga, which are the most representative type of non-aristocratic hyangga, there were other forms of popular singing that existed at this time, the sacrificial song, or muga, the folk song proper, the creation song, the epic song form, the Buddhist chant, the gunak and so on. The sacrificial song was sung at ancient sacrificial ceremonies and its form can be glimpsed through the tosol-ga form. A song was usually addressed to the harvest deity and the practice can still be detected in the nongak(farmers' music)in areas to the south of the Han River, where one person gives the verse and the others give a chorused response. The folk song proper was a significant source of the hyangga form and examples of it may be found among extant hyangga for example A Gift of Flowers (Heonhwa-ga) and Folk Song (Pung-yo). As far as the creation song is concerned, only a few dozen song titles but no actual verses can be gleaned from the Samgukyusa and Samguksagi so they must remain in the realms of speculation.
5) The extant hyangga
We shall now look at the 25 individual songs that have survived, taking them in their chronological order.
a) Seodong-yo (Mattung, the Potato Boy)
Mattung, the Potato Boy is a four-line hyangga that dates to the reign of King Jin Pyeong (159-632). Il Yeon, the author of the Samgukyusa says that it centers around a Baekje King, King Mu (600-41), who, as a boy, sold potatoes in the streets of the Silla capital and taught the song to children in the streets in order to compromise the Silla princess Seon Hwa. The princess was duly banished, he accompanied her into exile, wooed her and eventually succeeded in bringing her back to Baekje as his bride. The story properly lies in the realms of fantasy and many theories have been put forward as to its origin. The most likely explanation so far seems to be that after the fall of Baekje in 663. the monks at Mireuk-sa, a temple founded by King Mu, propagated the story to publicize a link between them and Silla so as to counter a possible threat of destruction at the hands of their conquerors.
b) Hyeseong-ga (Song of the Comet)
A 10-line song dated to King Jin Pyeong’s reign (579-632), the story that accompanies it tells how three hwarang named Goyolrang, Silchorang and Podangrang had planned to go on a journey to the Diamond Mountains, but decided against it when a comet, which was regarded as an evil omen, suddenly appeared in the sky. The priest Yung Cheon then composed and sang the hyesong-ga, the comet then disappeared and with it went an invading force of Japanese soldiers. The song thus appeared to have been a species of magical incantation.
c) Pung-yo (Folk Song)
Four lines, dates to Queen Seon Deok’s reign (632-647), a Buddhist song in folk song form. When the priest Yang Ji was modelling a large image of the Buddha at Yongmyosa (Temple) in Gyeongju, his helpers sang this song while transporting clay to him. It has been interpreted as a work song, but the dimensions recorded for the image, some 12 feet, are such that the work of transporting the clay would not have been especially onerous. The song is more likely to have been devotional in nature, sung to accompany an act of piety.
d) Won-wangsaeng-ga (Seeking Eternal Life)
Ten lines, dated to King Mun Mu’s reign (661-681). The song is ascribed to the wife of Gwangdeok, a devout Buddhist who lived in the western precinct of Bunhwang-sa in Gyeongju. Its Pure Land Sect overtones are strong.
e) Mojukjirang-ga (Grieving for my Lord Taemal)
Eight lines, attributed to Sil O, a servant of Taemal at one stage. Dated to King Hyo So’s reign (692-702).
f) Heonhwa-ga (A Gift of Flower)
A four-line creation song attributed to an anonymous old man during the reign of King Seong Deok (702-737). The story tells that a prince named Sunjeong enroute to a post in Gangneung, paused to rest by the sea. His wife, Suro, was struck by the beauty of an azalea blooming atop a rock cliff nearby and asked that someone in the entourage climb up and pluck it for her but no one had dared. At this point an old man passed by leading his cow. Singing a song he climbed up to pick the flower for her.
g) Won-ga (Song of Grievance)
A ten-line song, the last two of which have not survived, attributed to Shin Chung, a retainer of King Hyo Seong (737-742). Before King Hyo Seong ascended the throne he promised Shin Chung, a constant loyal retainer, to reward when he became king, and swore an oath to that effect by a pine tree in the palace garden. However, after ascending the throne he did not appoint Shin Chung to any office, whereupon Shin Chung composed a song and affixed it to the pine tree. The pine then withered, and by doing so recalled to Hyo Seong his promise. When he carried out his promise, the pine grew whole again.
h) Tosol-ga (Song of the Fourth Heaven)
A four line work attributed to the priest Weolmyeong in the reign of King Gyeong Deok (742-765). In the fourth month of the year 760, two suns appeared in the sky. To banish this bad omen an act of merit was called for and the priest Weolmyeong was designated as the priest to perform it. He composed and sang this song whereupon the strange phenomenon disappeared. The song arose out of the Maitreya cult which was strong at that time and its basic intention is the invocation of the Maitreya to favourable intervention in the affiars of state.
i) Je-mangmae-ga (Song to the Deceased Sister)
A ten-line song also attributed to Wolmyeong during the reign of King Gyeong Deok. Addressed to his deceased sister, the song also invokes the cult of the Maitreya.
j) Chan-Kiparang-ga (Kiparang, the Hwarang)
A ten-line song attributed to the priest Chungdam during the King Gyeong Deok’s reign. It is a song of praise in honour of Kiparang, a hwarang.
k) Anmin-ga (Song of the Good Ruler)
A ten-line song attributed to Chungdam. The accompanying story tells how Chungdam was returning from a tea ceremony to the Maitreya on Namsan(mountain) outside Gyeongju when he was hailed by the king and asked to compose a song about the duties of a good ruler.
l) Tocheonsu-gwaneum-ga (Praying to the Gwaneum with 1,000 Hands)
A ten-line song dated to Gyeong Deok’s reign and ascribed to one Hui Myeong. Hui Myeong was a devout Buddhist who went to Bunhwang-sa (Temple) to pray that the sight of her blind son be restored. She composed this song for him to sing before a picture of the gwaneum with 1,000 hands; he did and his sight was restored.
m) Ujok-ga (Brigands in His Path)
A ten-line song ascribed to the priest Yongjae during the reign of King Weon Seong (785-798). On his way to hermitage in the Jiri mountain, Yongjae ran into a band of brigands and his fearlessness strongly impressed them. They asked him to sing a song for them and he sang the Ujeok-ga whereupon they offered him two rolls of silk as a token of their respect. These he refused and subsequently they followed him into the Jiri mountains where they were given tonsure and became monks.
n) Cheoyong-ga (Song of Cheo-yong)
An eight-line song ascribed to Cheoyong, dated to the reign of King Heon Gang (875-886). Cheo-yong is known as a figure who worshipped the Dragon Spirit of the Eastern Sea and became a male shamanist priest in Silla. When Cheo-yong saw his wife possessed by the demon of sickness he performed a dance and sang the Cheo-yong-ga, thereby causing the sickness to vanish. Thereafter, people began the practice of hanging his picture on the gate to keep the demon away.
The above fourteen hyangga constitute the hyangga preserved in the Samgukyusa. In addition, there are eleven hyangga (or more specifically, sanuiga) in the Gyunyeojeon- ‘the Bohyeon-sipwon-ga.’
6) Influence of the hyangga
The sanuiga were composed in various forms. At the outset it was a folksong form in four lines. The first verse was repeated and the middle verses increased and this led to the development of the “three-lines six syllables” form alluded to in the Gyunyeojeon. The insertion of an exclamation at the start of the penultimate line is a noteworthy convention and seems to have left its mark on the later Sijo form. Elsewhere, the sacrificial song type has come down to this day in mudang chants. Creation songs, folk songs and gunak etc. all exerted their influence on Koryeo song forms and Buddhist songs of devotion remained in circulation, surfacing as an influence on the Buddhist works undertaken in the early years of the Yi dynasty, notably the Wolin-cheongangji-gok, Examples of influence such as the above justify our noting that hyangga represents a basic component in the formation of Korean literary tradition.