WHY THE RIGHTS FOR COMMUNAL RESERVATION? (THE COMMUNAL G.O.) by Thanthai Periyar - HTML preview

Why Communal G.O.

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Periyar writings and Speeches translated by A S VENU and Addressing a public meeting on 13-08-1950 organised by al parties Thanthai Periyar spoke thus

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Dear president, respectable ladies and my dear comrades !

You are al aware of the clandestine conjectures and ef orts taken by a section of the people to scrap the Communal G. O.

I issued an appeal to observe 'Hartal tomorrow - completely. I appealed to the students to abstain from at ending the schools and col eges. I appealed to the merchants and businessmen to keep their shops closed tomorrow. I appealed to. al the people in our state to participate in the procession in large numbers to demonstrate the public opinion in support of the Communal G. O.

Some people have come forward to criticise me for giving such an appoal. They mistake me!

They al ego that I intend foaming up some sort of serious trouble to them by some agitation.

Even some minis ters have talked like that. Congressmen at ribute some political motives.

They write as they l ke. Let them do anything as they please. I am not at al bothered.

I wish to tel you that you should not do anything just because I appeal or just because they say some thing. Do not blindly submit to what al I say or take everything they say straight away. You please think over and find out the truth yourselves. You are rational beings You please think over the pros and cons, good and bad, right and wrong and then come to your own judgement. If you find there is reason, justice and truth io what I say, then do as your cons cience dictates.

The communal representation is not a talk of very recent origin. It has been the raging issue even in 1960. Even in those days our leaders, our elders and wise people demanded that

communal representa tion; ensuring justice for al communities should be implemented in the field of education and in the mat er of giving jobs. It was to be based on the population and the respective strength of the various communi. ties. One thing you wil have to notice is that those who raised such a demand were for sometime in the Congress. In other words they were in the Congress til they realised the importance of communal repre sentation. When they found that there can be no communal justice meted out to al communities through the Indian National Congress they quit ed. The fact that Congress stood for the welfare and progress of one particular community came to lime light. Having failed in their attempts to set the Congress house in order they revealed the truth that the Congress was eternal y against the interests of the Backward and the Scheduled caste communities. They came for ward to champion the cause of the Backward and the the Scheduled castes, who were al along been groping in the darkness for peace, progress, and prosperity. They raised the voice for communal justice. People began to assert for their rights vociferously. This is what took place here.

In the North the same demand was raised in 1900 itself. They asserted for communal resresentation in al walks of life based on population. It is the Mus lims who first demanded the introduction of commu nal representation. They were the pioneers to agitate for the same. It may be that many of us are not aware of this part of the history even now.But atleast some of the elders could certainly recol ect what actual y took place. Some of us know the mat er clearly. The Congress opposed the Muslims for demanding the communal representation policy to be implemented. The Congress countered the voice of the Muslims.

But in the long run the Congress failed. The then British government of India brought in a new scheme granting separate electorates for Muslims. The British accepted the policy of communal repre sentation even as early as 1900. They came forward to render jusi ce for al

communities. They for rightly that the communal representation policy is thi only boon to help al the communities. At that time the capital of India was at Calcutta. Majority of the residents of Calcut a were Muslims. So it was very easy for the Muslims to gain success. The rulers were not impressed by the plea of the Congress. Some how the Muslims succeeded in getting separate elec. torates. The Britishers gave the green signal by supporting the communal representation policy for al communities in al walks of life.

Subsequently the Congress started what is cal ed the Swadesi Movement. The inner motive of this movement was to create a strong opposition to the granting of the separate electorates to the Muslims. It was a move against the splitting of Bengal. The gul ible people were misled to believe what they said: They had very high hopes of Swadesi Movement.

They expected miracles to happen, not being aware of the real motive behind the movement They did not realise that it is not right to deny the Muslims of their legitimate share. What led to this sort of ignorance ? Even now many of our people are igno rant of the fundamental principles of politics Com mon man in this country believes what the leaders and others say.

They are not suf iciently educated to know things. It was much worse then. They straight away believed that the Swadesi movement is a patriotic movemeat. But the Muslims were strong and united. They faced the strong opposition of the Congress resolutely and succeeded in socuring their rights.

Even in the year 1910 separate constituencies were al ot ed to Muslims and Hindus. Further problems arose when they were bifurcated. It was a very dif icult thing to evolve the constituencies on this basis. Final y constituencies were divided as, Muslim constituencies first and the rest were cal ed as non-Muslim constituencies. The Congress which was against the Muslims met with failure. Yet it was not prepared to accept the defeat. There was

no other go for the Congress than to yield. Atlast Congress accepted on the condition that the British should give up the idea of splitting Bengal.

This was the agreement. Somehow the Muslims succeeded in getting separate electorates in 1910. Even after this the Congress continued to pursue its anti-muslim policy. This resulted in strengthening the hands of the Muslims. The Muslim League grew up speedily as a powerful political body, opposed to the Congress. The league, was able to withstand the onslaughts of the Congress Al efforts taken by the Congress against the league ended in a dismal failure It has only lead to the strengthening of League. Ultimately, the Congress entered into a pact with the League at Lucknow and that is the famous Lucknow Pact in the history of Congress That pact has been responsible to enable the league demand a separate sovereign state, which is now cal ed as Pakistan.

It is after, al these developments in the North that the leaders here thought aloud and realised the need to demand separate representation for us. Muslims who were a minority there. were able to ser a considerable share in al fields on account of their solidarity. Their determination and struggle fetched them their rights easily.

When such being the state of af airs in the north, here those who are ninety percent of the total population have somehow forfeited their rights in al walks of life and almost al the posts were monopolised by a particular community which was after al only 3% of the population. The majority' was dominated by the minority here. Their fate is very pitiable They are very backward in al walks of life. Sir. P. Thea garaya was a very powerful Congressman and he was the secretary of the Congress session held at Madras. Til 1916 Sir. P Thea garaya and Dr. T. M. Nair, a versatile scholar and public worker were not in terms. They were opposed to each other. They realised that by their mutual quarrels and enmity the

brabmins' were gaining against the interests of the non-brahmins. They botb realised that brabmins were foaming up bitterness amongst them to exploit that situation in favour of the brahmins. They both resolved to forget the bitter past and united together and laid the foundation for the Non-brahmin movement. Since they had 00 courage to cal themselves as Dravidians they named the movement as the South Indian Liberal Federation which was popularly known later as the Justice party. As the policies of the S I. L. F. were very reasonable and just the movement gained the popular support of the non-Brabmins. They participated in the first elections held in 1920 and scored a resounding victory. I was in the Congress at that time.

The brahmios in the Congress were terribly - jealous of the growing popularity of the Justice party (S. J. L. F.) They had to counteract and concert measures to put down the growing influence of the non-brabmins in the political sphere. They sought the advice of Mr Gandhi At that time Mrs Annie Besant was very popular in Indian politics. The reason for her popularity was that she was a foreigner and her services were mainly to the advancement of the brahmin community, Yet the Iyengar brahmins bated her because it was the Iyer community that was much benefit ed by ter services She ignored the Ivengar brahmins and encouraged the Iyers Sadasiva Iyer, Mani Iyer, Sir. CP. Ramasami enjoyed the favour of Mrs. Annie Besant. This was bated by the Iyengars. They feared that the Saivite Brahmins would supersede them They were afraid that the Saivite brahmins would one day monopolise al fields leaving the Vaisnavites in the back waters. They resolved to seek a new leader who would work for their welfare They chose Mr. C Raja gopalachari who was considered a clever person. They went to Mr. Gandhi for his advice and consent. It is in this way that Raja gopalachari became the leader of brahmins. For Gandhi has done to Rajaji he made Mr.

Gandhi. very big leader in South India. It is at that time i joined the Congress under the

instigation of Rajaji The constructive programme of the Congress wae very appealing to me.

It attracted a large number of people of eminence towards the Congress. Many became the fol owers of Gandhi..

What are the things Gandhi preached to us? First, Hindu Muslim unity. Second the eradication of untouchability. Third, the Khaddar scheme for the uplift of the poor. Fourth, the prohibition. Apart from these Gandbi stated clearly that Congress would not seek any post by contesting the elections. I sio cerely believed that Congress is primarily a Social Reform Movement I worked for the Congress very sincerely. Natural y the Congress became very popu lar. When the Justice party won the elections and formed the cabinet, the Congress carried on intensive anti-propaganda. The Cangress did not reckon the good works of the Justice party as great. They stooped to fol ow very cheap politics. They have lowered ibeir political levels. They attacked the Justice party unnecessarily. They made a big fuss about the salary of the ministers. They heckled them for travel ing in the first class by traio They talked of their eye glasses, caps, etc. By these they wanted to win the hearts of the poor people. They posed as if they were the only champions of the poor. By these methods they managed to dupe the public and in the 1926 elections the Justice Party faced a defeat, in the elections.

The Congress managed to form an alternative government with the independents led by Dr.

Subbarayan, Rapgapatha Mudaliar and Arogiasamy Mudaliar were his col egues in the cabinet. But it could not remain in power for long. Except Dr Subbarayan al the other ministers submitted resignations. Later Mr. S. Muthiah Mudaliar and Sethurathina Iyer beceme members of the cabinet. The Justice party supported this ministry. This cabinet did a lot of good things to the people What al the Justice party was besitant to do during its period, this cabinet boldly iniplemented. Of al the good things done by this cabinet was the

introduction of the Communal G.O. which is most important and praiseworthy. Without caring for the opposition in many quarters, Mr. Muthiah Mudaliar boldly passed the order, ensuring communal justice to al the communities.

For this good act of meeting justice to al communities the Brahmins took cudgels against Mr. Muthiah Mudaliar. They described him as a "Rakshasa' They defeated him twice in the subsequent elections. But Ms. Mudaliar was not at al perturbed. He knew the consequences and boldly acted to lift the suppressed sections of the society. He took the evils as the reward for his good acts.

Being the pioneer of the Communal G.O. he has through out his life dedicated himself to safeguard the same from dangers. He took al the attempts, to resist the attempts made to invalidate the co either by legal methods or otherwise He stood firm to save the G.O.

whenever there was danger by the enemies That is why you find him now very much worried. You find some people criticise him for this. If he has no right to fight for the G.O. I ask, who else has the responsibility? Let the critics understand this much.

I was in the Congress when the communal G.O. was given statutory recognition, by the Justice Party. Even though I was in the Congress then. I had very unshakable faith in the communal representation. I had a specific understanding with the leaders that the Congress would implement the same. In those days, Thiru. V. Ka. and Dr. Vara darajulu Naidu were opposed to the communal representation inside Congress. But I was very strong and stubborn. For my sake Mr. Raja gopalacbari also supported me. His view was that some seats atleast should be reserved to the non-brahmins. He did not total y agree with the communal G O. He also declined to accept the name Communal G.O. So far as I am

concerned I did not attach much importance to the name. If any. thing serves the purpose it was enough for me. That is why I agreed to the purposal of Rajaji.

After this clear understanding with Rajaji we started the Madras Presidency Association to counter act the activities of the Justice Party, and the non brahmin movement. We began to work against the Justice Party. Mr. Kesava Menon was the President of the Association.

Myself and Mr. Govida Doss were the vice-presidents. Dr. Varadarajulu Naidu was the secretary It was clearly accepted that fifty percent should be reserved for the non-brahmins But this was not acceptable to Messrs Kasturi Ranga Iyengar, S. Satyamurthi lyer, Srinivasa Iyengar and other leaders of the brahmins in the Congress. They accused Mr. Rajaji for having exten ded his support to me They thought Rajaji was afraid of my influence. They even went to the extent of overthrowing Rajaji. They formed another natio nal organisation with Vijayaragavachari as President, Myself, Rajaji and T. Prakasam were elected as secretaries. Messrs Kasturi Ranga Iyer, and V.O.C. were elected as vice presidents. Even in this it was clearly understood that everyone should talk of nationalism after get ing the due share for al the communities in national mat ers. The quota for the non-brahmins was tentatively fixed at 50% This national association gained the mass support because we announced 50% to the non brahmins. But Mr. Rangasami Iyengar and Mr. S. Satyamurthi became Very jealous. They secretly planned and announced the working programme of the Congress and their plans were accepted by the working commit ee. I think it is clear to you that the Congress too accepted the principle of proportionate representation to ensure justice to al the communities based on the population,

In the yoar 1921 the Tamilnad Congress session took place at Thiruvannamalai. I presided over the conference, In that conference Rangasamy Iyengar Srinivasa Iyengar, induced their

fol owers to attack Sir. P. Thea garaya Chet iar and other Justice Party leaders vehemently.

They used very abusive language. I was very much provoked at their indecent behaviour.

Myself and Mr. S. Ramanathan decided to pay them in their own coin. Being the president I permit ed Mr. Ramanathan to speak. He condemned the brah mios as communalists. Next Mr. Shafe Muhamed ca me forward to speak. He attacked Ramanathan without rhyme or reason. Next Messrs. Annamalai Pil ai and Venkatakrishna Pil ai came forward and replied to the speech made by Shafe Muhamed. I mention this to enlighten you that I remained in the Congress even though I had differences of opinion with the brahmin leade Another session of the Congress was held at Kancheepuram in 1925. Mr. Thiru. Vi. Ka.

presided over the same. A day before the conference I con vened the meeting of the non-brahmins at Kanchee puram itself. Messrs. Muthiah Mudaliar, Sir. RK. Shanmugam Chet y, Vel ingiri gounder, Ramalinga Chettiar and other non-brahmin leaders at ended to same. We resolved to table a resolution in the Cou gress session demanding Communal G.O. to accepted. I myself took the resolution to the wo? ing committee. The brahmins objected stating such a resolution should not be permit ed in Congress. I then argued, 'In our propaganda we have criticised the Justice Party and proclaimed that Congress is the only true representative of the non brahmins I remind you that Congress bad already accepted the principle of communal representation. It has already fised 50 percent as tbe reservation quota for the non-brahmins. As such it is unfair to disal ow the resolution." They did not reply to any of the arguments. They simply disal owed the resolu tion. I once again rose up and argued that as the Congress has now decided to enter the Assembly there is the necessity to take up the resolution as relevent. It is known to al that Swarajist Party is the off shoot of the Congress.. When it contests the elections Congress is bound to extend its support As such the question of reserving 50 percent to the non-brahmins is absolutely necessary. It is

our moral obligation to assure al the non-brahmins in view of the elections After al these, the president said that the resolution could be taken up in the open session the next day. I agreed. That night the brahmin leaders met privately. They hatched a plan. Thinking that I wil not have the support of delegates they asked me to submit the signatures of atleast thirty delegates of the conference. I accepted their terms, and I procured the support of 50

delegates. After al these, the resolution was bluntly disal owed stating that it is against the very fundamental principles of the Congress.

I was shocked to hear the verdict. I rose up and said, “You wanted the support of 30

delegates. I got the support of 50 delegates. I was assured yesterday that the resolution could be taken up for consideration today. Inspite of al these the resolution is simply disal owed. Is there any justification. I want a clear verdict from the president"

Immediately the brahmins started shouting. “The president of the conference has delivered his ruling and passed on to the next item in the agenda Nothing can be done now. You sit down, sit down' This is what the brahmins were able to do. I observed their behaviour and retorted saying "This is a mat er between me and President. It is for him to say whether I could press or not. If he says that I should not speak I wil obey him. You please keep quiet."

The brahmins again started to shout “Sit down Sit down.”

Facing them I said, "There is no use of your shouting like this. We can also shout. If we do so your cries wil not be louder. Al of you may have to get away." Utter pandemoniun prevailed in the conference. Then I realised that there is no use of my remaining in the Congress any more. I walked out of the conference. Many more fol owed me. It was for the sake of Communal G. O. that I left the Congress.

After that my friend Rajaji and Thirn Vi. Kai came to me four or five times and asked me to join the Congress once again. It was al because there were others stil in the Congress who wanted the communal representation. Only about 30 to 40 delegates left the Congress with me at Kancheepuram. Those who remained in the Congress with my view bad no courage to take a bold decision

The Self Respect Movement was started by me soon after leaving the Congress. I stood for political reform along with social reform I was for the eradication of al the social evils first When Muthiah Mudaliar become a cabinet minister he boldly brought in the Communal G.O.

I was the first person who felt very happy. I took it as my victory. If only I had continued to be in Congress I would have gained many big positions. Why did I leave the Congress ? Was it for any post or power ? No. I did not even think that I would become a leader championing the Communal G. O. That is why we are al much worried about the Communal G. O. now.

We want to save it out of the danger. We cannot afford to lose it. That is why we are determined to fight for it. - Please do not think that we are now agitating, just because the high court has held the Communal G. O. as invalid. Even if the Supreme court gives a judgement tomorrow set ing aside the orders of the High Court, we have got to agitate for the implementation of the G. O. ful y in al the fields. Why do I say so ?

Even this G O. does not ensure proportionate representation to al the communities based on the population By the present G.O the Brahmins who are three percent of the population get fourteen percent reservation. The Christians who are three percent, get seven percent The non Brahmins who are eightyseven percent, get only seventy two percent You please study these figures. Could it be said that proportional represen tation is fol y ensured to al communities? Why should the brahmins who are ooly three percent of the population get fourteen percent by this G.O. Why should the non-brahmins who are eighty two percent get

only seventy two percent? Why should they lose? Is it not right on our part to agitate Another factor we have got to seriously consider is the brahmin dominance in the services. They are already monopolising the services, In some departments their representation exceeds 60

percent to 70 percent. As senior officers they enjoy 90 perceni of the posts. You would have read the details of the facts and figures published in the “Vidutbalal during the past few days.

In spite of al these, we find the G O. declared unlawful in the Madras High Court. Even if it were declared lawful, do you think that it is real y a just G. O. So it is clear that the ideal of rendering just to al communities is yet to be reached. We have been demanding this for the past many years. That 18 I say, that even if the Supreme Court passes an against the judgement of the Madras High Court, and declares the Communal G.O as perfectly valid, we wil have no other go but to fight for the fulfil ment of our age long demand for proportional repre. sentation based perfectly on the population. Any day we have got to agitate and secure our legitimate share. We cannot be docile. We should seek equal justice for al communities based strictly on the population.

Another important fact we have got to realise is that this G O. is now implemented only at the State level This G.O. is not binding on the Centre. At present the Centre is not heeding to the wholesome principle underlying the Communal G.O. That is why -- you find brahmin domination in almost al the Central services Even big posts are held by them They enjoy 70, 80 percent of the posts in the States already. They are monopolishing almost al the posts in the Centra and thă State, Many malpractices are seen in 1 he recruitmeut of personel to the services. The brahmins are hunting for jobs from the State to the Centre. They easily get the jobs as if the govt. is their own. They create vacancies easily. Sometimes one brabmin is sent on leave and another brahmin is appointed temporarily. By the time the leave expires another is sent on leave. Simultaneously steps are taken to provide a post permanently. By

that time he wil be drawing Rs. 500 a mouth. This is one of the wavs brahmins are helping their own community to get jobs.

See what is the position in the Railways. Everything is in their hands. Atleast in the foreign rule we were able to get some jobs. Today the railways: are monpolised by Iyengar brahmins. They have shifted the recruiting of ice from Madras to Bombay. Almost al the members of the selection board are brahmins. When the matters are like this, how is it possible for our people to get jobs ? It at al we are in the majority it is only in class four services as. peons. Nowadays even for the peons posts they are also competing It is said that out of the 65000 peons 1300 are brahmins. . Under these circumstances is there any justifi ca tion for the brahmins to go to court? They say that they are denied admission in the educational institutions. Let us see what the position is. They are undoubtedly enjoying more than their legtimate sbare. When we peruse the figures given by the government we are shocked. They are spatching away 90 percent of the places in the col eges. They are today going to the court stating that they are discriminated. They are not worried at the great injustice meted out to al other communities They even went to Gandhi thinking that he would support them. But Gandhi replied, “Most of you are already educated in large numbers. It wil be appreciable if you could devote for service to god for some time. Let the non-brahmins who have not been edueated so far read". This is what adhi said. The brahmins were disappointed. After some time Gandhi died.

I am tel ing this to make you realise that justice is on our side. The wise world wil ever support our cause. Imagine what wil be our future if we are not worried about the Communal G.O. now. What wil be the fate of our next generation? Now only we are regaining our status and dignity in the society. Now only we are considered as human beings fit to learn. It is the Justice Party that opened our eyes. It is only after the G.O. that our communities have

started to enter the schools and col eges in large numbers Some of us were able to get some jobs What was the position before the advent of the Justice Party and the Communal G.O. Distriot Judges, Tahsildars, Munsiffs, Sub-Inspectors were al brahmins. Before the Justice party came to power the non-brahmins were cent percent uneducated After 15 years of the Justice rule and even after independence and the Congress rule, our literacy is below 10 percept.

If our people are uneducated it is not their fault. Can it be proved that we are unfit for education? real fact is that we were not given suf icient facilities and encouragement. That is al Most of the

Sudras are working classes. They were paid the wages needed for their daily life. They are able to get higher wages only when the prices of commodities went high. Under these circumstances how can we expect the son of a cartman, sweeper, cobler, labourer, and others to read. Compare the conditions of the brahmins. Even a water brahmin's son is able to read in the B.A class. He can go as a Judge For the brahmins it is their high caste that remains an asset. The sacred thread they wear is enough for them. We can see even poor brahmins reading. Amongst us only the sons of richmen as zamindars and Mirasdars are able to read. . Even if we study with al these dif iculties we have no future. We are denied jobs and seats. The principle of merit and ef iciency works against us Our boys even though they pass the examination and are declared eligible for higher studies they are not able to get admission. We want our boys to read. Is it a crime?

There are many malpractices in the selection. This year 68006 appeared for the S.S.L.C.

examina tion. 38000 students failed Can it be said that the failed candidates are unintel igent. How much money would have been spent for studying upto S.S.L.C. Under

these circumstances is it fair to turn out so many out of education. I would only say that the teachers wbo trained them were not able. It may be that our examination system is also bad.

After crossing one hurdle after another if our boys passthe examinations and seek for admission in the col eges for higher studies they are denied admission statiog that they lack merit. Is this justice? When asked why wo are not given jobs they say that we do not have sufficient qualification. If we want to read and get qualified, we are denied scope, under the pretext that we do not score meritable marks

Today marks are taken as the scale for measuring the talents. Can it be said that those who score high marks are the only intel igent. Afteral more marks are obtained by merely memorising. We . know how marks are obtained. Soon after the examination is over, people go with money to places where the answer papers are corrected. Are not our ministers aware of this? Why, some of them might have passed this way! If they have not experienced it themselves they would have atleast experienced in the case of their children! People are aware that marks could be purchased for money. It is an open secret Brahmin boys are helped in many ways. Brahmin teachers help them. Our boys know only to go to . the Vinayaka temple after the exam. The brahmin boys do not go. They go to their teachers, examiners who are mostly of their own community. Under these circumstances is it right to determine the talents basing the marks obtained.

In Russia students are given education for a certain period They are tested. After training they are given jobs Doing a job wel is the test there. It is only here examinations are made difficult. It is not so in other countries. Students are put to severe hardship here in the name of examinations.

Comrades. I say that every community should be ailored a difinite percentage of seats based on the population. If any community enjoys even one percent more than their duo sbare the government should take steps against the person employed and the person who employed him. It is a clear case of encroaching on the rights of others. So there is nothing wrong in the law taking action. Otherwise the forward sections would stil further progress and the backward would become more backward. The dawn of independence has given more scope for the brahmins They are progressing speedily. In those old days. I. C. S examination was held in London As the government met the expenses the brahmins were able to pass the exams. They cunningly included the Christians and the Muslims as non brahmins, who were not opposed to the brah mins. They obeyed the brahmins in public life. They decidedly kept the non-brahmins out of the ring. Even after independence the I P.S and I A.S. posts are monopolised by brahmins What wil be the fate of our people working under brahmin of icers They wil foist false al egations and victimise our people. How long can our people bear this and remain in service The brahmins monopolising these posts is detrimental to the non-brahmins who form the majo rity of the population. Is this democracy? Is this the standard of our administration? If 87 percent of the population is kept under eternal plight, is this democracy? Is it just, resonable and fair to al ow the 3 percent of the population monopolise and dominate? Is it wrong to assert for our rights? We demand justice. We demand respect.

We demand our share. When we claim al those why should any one get angry.

I learn that Mr. Kamaraj while addressing a meeting assured the people that his government would look after the G. O He says that his govern ment wil appeal to the Supreme court against the orders of the High Court. He did not stop with that. He accused me of having an are to grind in this mat er. I do not know what he means! During the last 30 years of my public life I have played a selffess role I never expected anything as reward for my services

to the Sudras and the untouchables. Can Mr. Kamaraj cite a single instance of my doing any. thing for myself. My work is the emancipation of the society. I am for the eradication of the high and the low. I want to restore dignity and respect for al men. I want equal justice and equal treatment and equal opportunities for al . Redemption of self-respect and restoration of dignity to mankind is the dedicated task of mine.

If I had not pursued this policy al these days wil Kamaraj be the president of the Tamilnad Con gress? Would it be possible for eleven non-brab mins to be ministers in a cabinet of 12

Ministers?

It is for them to think over where these gentle men were when we started the non-brahmin move ment? So far as I am concerned I was as president, chairman, secretary of various bodies and I was doing big business. I was not a nonentity anytime. It is our movement that bas made them hold a high status today.

Today they are advising the students not to pay heed to my words. Let them discard me and go to wash the feet of brahmins! What do I lose ? After al I am aged and with one foot in the grave!

What for do our boys read. Should they not go to col eges from schools. Should they not get good jobs. Is it not the responsibility of elders to settlə these mat ers aright. This year I gave a letter to Dr Subramaniam. I recommended a student who got a first class. He did not get admision. In the past I used to give many let ers like this. Al used to secure seats Today no one is selected. It is very distress ing to see our boys, with creditable marks not being able to get selected to prosecute their studies further. Are we to study to simply waste money and remain as slaves. How many crores are spent for education. It is agonising to see our boys not reaping the benefits. That is why, I want a solution to al these.

Our next programme of action is a difficult one. We wil have to sacrifice a lot. It is not for violence We are not to beat anyone. We are not for throwing acid on anybody. Without giving any trouble to anyone, we wil have to bear the dif iculties and pain to achieve success. By that agitation we wil gain a lot.

Why should we have a government at Delhi What does it do for us. Can we not rule ourselves ? Does our country lack in natural resources ? We have a coast line of 1500

mj.es. Our ships can go to any part of the world. We have railways. Can we . not flourish ?

Why should we give away our rights and powers to Delhi? When they are there as ministers we are natural y exploited. What if we have a govern ment of our own, They do not give due respect even to our ministers here. Dr. A. L. Mudaliar gave a clean breast of the affair in the debates of the council Even our ministers have accepted the fact many timus.

North is ignoring the South South is being exploited. Why should we be bc suppressed. If we had powers in our hands we would have solved our problems. To solve the food shortage we could bave directly imported food grains from abroad. Today we do not have the powers.

They procure food grains and take them here and there and by the time we get out quota they are almost unfit for consump tion. We are suffering here. They are playing. Why should this situation be al owed. Should we not sacrifice even our life and gain ful freedon Let us redeem our land.

The present agitation is not an agitation for more Communal G.O. It wil lead us to agitate for the separation of Dravidanad. Rajaji's imposition de Hindi made tbe Tamils unite and solidly demonstrate the, solidarity of Tamils. Similarly by the present agitation we wil consolidate our strength against the dominant and exploiting Aryaos. With zeal and vigour we wil get our motherland. We wil rule ourselves. We wil soon be free to solve our problems.

So I appeal to you al to get ready for playing your role in the agitation.