Th e majority of neo-pagan, some of satanic and religious-occult systems are based upon the mythologem of “naturalness”, “ancestral originals” that implies corresponding religion to be “natural” for the mankind in general or for some certain nation in particular. Th e external, more aggressive religions are assumed to have forced up their ideas, 214 Andrey G. Safronov. PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS
but nevertheless the strong “ancestral originals” are coming up and the nation (the mankind) is returning to its authentic beliefs.
Such attitude to Christianity is expressed in the ritual of de-Christianization that is performed by the fol owers of some RUN-belief branches. “In a hidden place next to water they make a fi re. Th e one who performs the ritual of de-Christianization takes off al clothes (elder women are allowed to stay in linen robes). Th e chief sorcerer reads a prayer to the earth and coats the person with silt. Th en he takes him or her into the river and washes up; following this the adept runs around the fi re (a prayer to the wind) and jumps over the fi re. When the ritual is over, they al proceed to the feast” [172].
Th e national mythologem is a form of the previous mythologem.
For instance, Piotr Sylenko, the founder of the RUN-belief in establishment of his doctrine announced al religions to be national. In this way Christianity is the national religion of the Hebrew; Sabaoth is the Hebrew God while Dazhd’bog is the national god of Ukraine.
Th ere is another interesting phenomenon that is characteristic for our time — the already-mentioned mythologization of technics and scientifi c advances that is majorly revealed in occult and technocratic systems. In some systems the role of supreme creature is given to the
“cosmic computer”, UFO, to “non-organic creatures”. In one community they consider the source of creation to come from the “creation rays” that originate from the “ray-masters” (Radastea). In this system — like in some others — the true character of the concept is “confi rmed” by the notion that “it has been verifi ed by scientists with help of computers and other devices”. Of course by this they name neither the object of such verifi cations nor the “devices” that were checking it; those in charge of the “scientifi c work” also remain nameless. Th e emergence of such mythologems is possible since the average man is far from modern scientifi c knowledge; science for him attains more and more “close” character while its carriers are perceived for carriers of some mysterious knowledge. Th is phenomenon may be observed on example of a scientist in the image that has been created by modern cinematography.
By analogue, economic myths are also the products of modern society. Th e religious prototype of economic reasoning is the ritual of sacrifi ce which essence lies in refusal from something that belongs to PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS. Andrey G. Safronov 215
an individual or a group of persons for the benefi t of a supernatural creature in exchange for some material or spiritual welfares. Practical y in every known religion a sacrifi ce is a mostly used means of accumulation of spiritual coupons. Yet in some modern religions economic character of relationships between a personal and a supernatural creature is brought to the foreground. Some systems give open recommendations about bargaining with “egregores” and “numens”, other form a specifi c system of pledges (vows), for instance: after three days of fastening one may turn to God with a request.
Commercial myths that emerge within the scope of so-called commercial cults are also interesting; we shall speak about them further on in this work.
Th e development of society social structure has also facilitated the emergence of interesting mythologems in modern religions. In al religions cosmogony and notions of cosmic hierarchy are linked to social structure of the society. According to Emile Durkheim “religion is society worshipping itself”. Cosmogonic systems of traditional religions are refl ections of slave-owning and feudal systems (for instance, nine An-gelic Orders of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite). Recent emergence of other forms of social organization has resulted in emergence of new religious cosmogonies. Among their main features one may name reduction of signifi cance of supernatural world hierarchy as wel as of the notion on its cruel character. Th e ultramundane realm is referred to as the system of democratic or capitalistic views. Th is phenomenon has been unexpectedly fi xed in visions people have at the moment of their apparent death. According to the data set by R.A. Moody and other researchers who deal with this phenomenon the majority of visions that people see today are of neutral character unlike those that are known from history, for at that time it refl ected the popular mythologem of oppressive posthumous requital (for instance the Orthodox St. Th eo-dora’s Aerial Tollhouse and Tibetan Th e Story of Chjoyshid-dakini).
On the other hand individualization of the person that happens today, in particular in wel -developed states, man’s distinguishing his interests from the interests of social groups has resulted in revival of the
“lone warrior” mythologem(in some modern occult-mystic doctrines this is done in a most expressive manner). As an example we might 216 Andrey G. Safronov. PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS
recall the teaching of C. Castaneda and A. Averyanov’s “astral karate”
[133]. Th is mythologem previously existed in some oriental systems but the culture of post-modern society became a new fertile ground for it.
In terms of world economy and culture globalization diff erent conspiracy mythologemes like the “conspiracy theory” and “world governments” that infl uence upon the life of a country, an independent person or some religious group are becoming rather popular. A big number of existing religious and mystic groups (starting from Dianetics and up to Osho followers) accuse some structures of interfering with their inner aff airs.
Of course the rate of diff erent mythologemes’ popularity varies depending upon the country, upon social and age groups, and this would be the object for an interesting quantitative research work. Yet we may speak about the eff ect of traditional y oriental mythologemes diff using into the West and vice versa — those typically western ones are penetrating into oriental culture.
Symbols used by major part of neo-religious systems are rather poor especial y in comparison with sophisticated systems of symbols that leading world religions boast with. Upon analysis of corresponding symbolic systems one may observe some of them to contain some secular elements: symbols resemble more of logotypes, they use general social (not purely religious) artistic elements and they are more and more subjected to schematization.
In modern religions the structure of commandments does not differ much in principle from its traditional analogue. Minor diff erences are mostly related to some restriction of the right to usecivilization welfares. For instance the Mormons, Krishna worshippers and adepts of some neo-Christian communities are not al owed to drink coff ee.
Jehovah’s Witnesses refuse fl atly from blood transfusion. Orthodox Church stands against contraceptives. In further sections of the book we shall discuss a number of other bans which character is obviously manipulative (for instance, restriction of access to external informative sources). Yet in general our observations of prohibiting programs exploited by modern religions justify the conclusion made in the fi rst section of book: religion cannot exist without bans. An individual can be made dependent only in case he issubjected to neurotization by additional taboos.
PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS. Andrey G. Safronov 217
6.3. THE PHENOMENON
OF RELIGIOUS MOBILITY
One of the most unusual phenomenathat isnot characteristic of traditional religions is the transfer of parishioners from one religion or confession into another one. Indeed, the majority of conventional religions very much disapprove such ability while some of them, like Islam for instance, provide for rather cruel penalties for renegades. However in modern religious life this phenomenon is rather widespread. By analogy with thenotion of“social mobility” we shal be cal ing this phenomenon as the one of “religious mobility”.
Basing upon analysis of numerous of religious communities the author has singled out several types of religious mobility [225].
1. Re-conversion — a single transfer of an individual from one faith into another one. Re-conversion is a mostly traditional variant of religious mobility.
2. Transition into another community within the scope of the same religious system. In majority of traditional churches and denominations such transition is not signifi cant though even within traditional religions some parishes attain features of charismatic cults, in particular that of self-contraposition against not only other religions but also against other communities in scope of the same religion on the background of personal emotional attachment to the community leader.
Th e two mentioned variants comply with classical forms of religiosi-tythat is why we shal not come in details into their description.
3. A group of believers’ “branching off ” into a separate religious community that sometimes diff ers from religious practice that is adopted in the source community. In this case the new community may either preserve spiritual link with mother-community or break it up.
Sometimes in the new community they keep to basic religious doctrine but introduce some modifi cations into ritual practice. According to calculations performed ca. 10% of Kharkov communities have emerged as a result of such “branching off ”.
4. Simultaneous visiting of divine services in various religious communities, sometimes of diff erent type. Th is phenomenon is mostly popular among neo-Christian communities. It is caused by insuffi cient 218 Andrey G. Safronov. PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS
establishment of religious doctrine basics of such systems and by absence of theological canon. Rather often a believer simply cannot understand what the diff erence between the communities is. Observations of Kharkov charismatic communities show that 10-15% of parishioners visit more than two communities in parallel.
5. Regular “travel ing” from one community to others. Th is type of religious mobility resembles a wel -known psychological game described by E. Berne: the aim of individual’s going from doctor to doctor is not the cure but the desire to prove their inadequacy or to raise one’s inner self-esteem: “I’ve been there, and there, and in that place as well...” [21]. Th e parishioners who used to visit several religious communities in succession make up ca. 15% in number.
6. Th e transfer (usual y a mild one) of a community that is already established in compliance with charismatic principle into some other religious doctrine. Th ere were also individual cases of a community organized transfer under the aegis of another spiritual leadership, even the one that belongs to another religious system.
7. Individual syncretism, i.e. establishment of personal religious system on the basis of several religious systems visited by an individual.
Th ough not new, this religious form has become rather popular in our days. A “market-type” individual who is used to buy the things he needs from diff erent places involuntarily transfers corresponding type of relationships onto religious life for he is sure that he might fi nd things that are benefi cial for him in diff erent communities or systems. Such benefi t may be of either intel ectual character — like replenishment, completion of his world outlook, or a totally pragmatic one: “I like to visit this community when my head aches for it usual y stops aching here”. In some systems — for instance, in Buddhism — they indirectly encourage such practice for they acknowledge the concept of “spiritual records’ accumulation” and that of “spiritual assignments”.
8. One’s membership in meta-religious organizations, i.e. systems that notwithstanding their religious character (no matter whether they acknowledge this status or reject it) consider they may normal y keep representatives of other religions among them without “offi cial” change of their persuasion. One may refer Dianetics to a good example of a meta-religious organization since though being a religion (a basic lev-PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS. Andrey G. Safronov 219
el of Scientology church) it proclaims its holding representatives of other confessions among its members for a norm,and even declares that passing the auditing procedure that is practiced in Dianetics shal help people to better comply with requirements and commandments of their own religions. Th e discourse of similar kind is advanced by fol owers of the Transcendental medicine concept.
9. Gradual modifi cation of religious doctrine within the scope of one community. Th is phenomenon is mostly characteristic of religious systems that are established under the principle of a charismatic cult or a sect (in M. Weber’s terminology [2]), i.e. that are formed due to personal attachment of group members to their leader or to each other. As a rule, by the moment of group establishment the leader does not have a completely formulated doctrine and proceeds with its forming within the process of community making-up. Such development originates from topical problems of the community and to a considerable degree it is sourced by the experience of other, more developed religious communities. Religious practice used by neo-religious communities is also subjected to substantial modifi cation. As a rule these modifi cations are focused on the following aspects:
— makingthese practices more ritual-based, canonization of rituals, emergence and further complication of religious implements like specifi c garments of the clergy, icons and so on. It is interesting that though the majority of neo-Christian communities of protestant persuasion refute iconography, in course of time they start to introduce wall images and symbols of spiritual character that actually undertake performance of a corresponding function;
— emergence of new ritual forms like church wedding ceremonies, funeral rites etc. that enable to realize the natural need of major people for ritual maintenance of their lives. As observed by C. Jung, a religious entity strives for becoming cluttered with archetypical symbols and ritual practice, otherwise it shal cease touching upon emotional sphere of its followers [367];
— occurrence of additional religious-cultural activity such as religious performances, home discussions of religious literature etc. [249; 248].
On the background of all listed there may appear a tendency to forming religious canon, especial y in case the community is based not 220 Andrey G. Safronov. PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS
only upon traditional texts but upon insights of their leaders as wel .
10. Sel ing of religious communities is a completely new and exotic phenomenon. A registered community may be passed to another leader by means of constitutors’ change, however unlike selling of joint-stock venture or an LTD such transaction requires consent of the community common members that can be received in any manner.
Th e attitude of offi cial representatives from diff erent confessions to religious mobility is ambiguous, starting from total disapproval that is characteristic of traditional religions, up to complete tolerance that is proper to liberal neo-religions. As a rule, newly-established communities treat religious mobility in a more positive way, they even encourage it for it makes it possible for them to entice believers from other communities. Traditional systems, on the contrary, take measures against transitions of adepts to other systems, though in our times such steps are of merely exhortatory character. Such tendency comes as a good example for the concept of religious community routinization that has been formulated by M. Weber [37]. And it is true that one may control parishioners or at least make record of them only in case the community is of consolidated and wel -established character, in case it has basic organization structure, functional distribution etc. On the other hand the need for such account appears only after the community starts to comprehend itself as an integral formation that is interested in self-sustenance and development notwithstanding religious insights that may occur to the community leader. It is interesting that sometimes community organization structure emerges independently from its spiritual leader who preserves his role of the “symbol”.
Th e existence of religious mobility phenomenon comes as logic consequence of cultural values that are proper to the society of today, both the declared ones as well as those that are currently in the process of their formation. For instance, in compliance with eff ective legislation they declare the liberty of consciousness (worship) yet restrict registration of religious doctrines that run counter to constitution norms.
In this way both state and personal values are legal y put to the top, above religious ones. On the one hand it results in gradual formation of values and ideals that are proper to the “open society” [194], on the other hand it depreciates religion as a self-suffi cient source of such PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS. Andrey G. Safronov 221
values, bringing it down to the level of mere “satisfactors” of spiritual needs that exist within the scope of the free market, here –of “spiritual” services.
One may single out a number of auxiliary factors that also facilitate the existence of considered phenomenon of “religious mobility”:
— blurred structure of many neo-religious formations;
— the status of belonging to religious community is not clearly expressed. In fact, in some communities major part of parishioners are allowed to only visit mass events without having any additional commitments to the community;
— a number of religious systems do not have any set canon — like the Nicene Creed, for instance — that would enable a believer to position himself in terms of ideology;
— de-sanctifi ed, profane — in terminology advanced by M. Eliade — attitude to religious action that the society and religious systems themselves show. Th e “market-type” attitude to religion simply does not make it possible to put additional hindrances to the fol owers of the systems (who essential y bring additional mode of sanctifi cation to religious servicing). Today the main core of religiosity notion has changed, the phenomenon of religiosity has been subjected to signifi -
cant modifi cations having turned into just another component of individual’s spiritual and mental life, but not the dominating one.
Religious mobility is also facilitated by active proselytism of major modern religions, i.e. by the activity directed at involvement of new believers, including those from other religious communities [157, pg.
37-39]. Indeed, many neo-religious systems consider the activity focused on recruiting of new believers (proselytism) to be an independent form of religious servicing. Th is is characteristic of Jehovah’s Witnesses, Krishna worshippers, Church of Christ fol owers, the Moonies, the White fellowship followers and many others. Some neo-religions treat proselytism for their major activity. For instance, the Church of Christ has the aim of “evangelization of the whole planet within one generation”. Th e same aims are pursued by Jehovah’s Witnesses.
Proselytism cannot be considered a perfectly new kind of religious practice — let us remember missionary activity of traditional Christian churches. Yet there are a number of signifi cant diff erences that are 222 Andrey G. Safronov. PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS
stipulated by today historic and cultural situation. Proselyte activity of contemporary neo-religious systems is fulfi lled within cultural realm that is saturated by diff erent religions in which the liberty of worship has been proclaimed. Due to this proselyte activity sometimes looks more like the competition that various systems hold fordistribution market of religious products.
Th ere exist a number of treaties that are conceptual y meant for restricting inter-religious proselytism, for instance the World Church Council declaration that disapproves inter-Christian proselytism; however in major cases these guidelines are ignored.
Yet one should not think that proselyte activity, including the inter-confessional type of it, is proper to neo-religions only. Traditional religions have launched a wide program of bringing the followers of neo-religions and non-traditional cults “back to the fold”, and it is accompanied by a large-scale anti-cult propaganda.
In this way religious mobility comes as an integral element of religious and spiritual life of today that displays signifi cant changes happening within the structure of religious life.
6.4. THE ISSUE OF “DESTRUCTIVE”
AND “TOTALITARIAN” CULTS
One of the most disputable notions in recent religion-study research works is the notion of a destructive cult (DC) [42–45; 172]. Th is notion was extremely popular in the middle of the 90-ies as reaction of society on post-perestroyka surge of religiosity, including that in unusual forms. Th ere isn’t any conventional defi nition of “destructive cult”.
According to the guideline “Russian New Religious Organizations of Destructive and Totalitarian Character” that is distributed by Russian Orthodox Church, a DC is an authoritarian hierarchic organization of any orientation that is destructive for essential spiritual, psychical and physical state of a personality (inner destructiveness) as wel as in respect of creative traditions and norms, established social structures, culture, order and society at a whole (external destructiveness) [172].
One may easily notice the biased nature of this defi nition and its inex-actitude that is veiled under the words “essential” and “creative”.
PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS. Andrey G. Safronov 223
Another defi nition based upon contents of psychological methods applied by DC is given by E. Volkov, a wel -known Russian expert in this fi eld: “DCs are groups and organizations that employ extreme and non-ethic manipulation techniques for recruiting and keeping their members, that tend to perform direct or indirect control over ideas, feelings and behaviour of their adherents” [45].
Th ough these defi nitions seem to be fairly clear, it is very diffi cult to tell destructive cults from non-destructive ones. Th e methods of consciousness control are actual y used by almost al existing social institutes. Th e character of advertisement, including the social one, is very intensive. Both political campaigns and commercial structures exploit practically the whole range of manipulative techniques created by modern psychology. Th e concepts of information and psychological war assume that the level of consciousness control and control over society information awareness comes close to totalitarian. On the other hand any religious, public or political group follows its interests that are kept against the interests of other social groups.
Such argumentation enabled a number of authors (E. Karagodina
[104] and others) to draw a conclusion that the problem of destructive cults is actual y another myth of popular mentality that is artifi cial y exaggerated by some political and religious organizations, fi rst of all by Orthodox Churches that are losing their adherents due to their intensifi ed interest in neo-religious systems. Th at is why we shall be talking not about destructive cults yet about destructive methods of infl uence upon individuals’ consciousness that may be used in religious systems.
Th e list of such destructive modifi cations of personality is rather extensive [45].
Summing up information contained in corresponding investigations together with author’s personal observations we shall single out three groups of destructive personal modifi cations:
1. Personal dissociation disorder, i.e. simplifi cation of motivation system.
2. Th e drawdown of social adaptability level.
3. Induction of neuroses. Increase of general anxiousness.
To be fare we should notice that such modifi cations of personality may happen to fol owers of traditional religions as wel . Moreover, the 224 Andrey G. Safronov. PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS
degree of these problems’ manifestation depends rather upon the rate of individual’s involvement into religious activity then upon specifi c character of this activity proper. In fact, the mentioned list of problems is not only of psychological, but of philosophic signifi cance as well since described modifi cations of personality are considered problems only in terms of social-utilitarian position while within the scope of religious system of values they are not treated as such.
Along with already-discussed notions of “destructive cult” there is another notion one may come across in religious-study literature of today — the “totalitarian cult”, “totalitarian sect”, “totalitarian organization”. A number of authors consider these notions to be equivalents, yet we might disagree here. Th e most adequate defi nition of totalitarian cults is given in the already-mentioned “Russian New Religious Organizations of Destructive and Totalitarian Character” guideline [172].
“Totalitarian cult is an authoritarian hierarchic organization of any orientation that is destructive in respect of essential spiritual, psychical and physical state of a personality as well as in respect of creative traditions and norms, established social structures, culture, order and society at a whole, which practices deceptive recruiting and concealed psychological violence that is done through establishment of illegal control over consciousness, behaviour and life of other individuals without their voluntary and conscious consent that is purposefully performed by an individual ( a leader) or a group of individuals (the administration) for the benefi t of their selfi sh goals for generation and maintenance within them [the individuals — translator’s note] the state of unnatural and illegal dependence upon and submission to the doctrine and leaders who strive for illegal enrichment and obtaining of illegal power by means of non-informed usage of devoted adepts who are dependent upon them”.
In this way the available elements of destructive infl uence alone are not suffi cient for referring the cult to those “totalitarian” ones. Th ere should be a certain type of social-psychological organization that in particular includes the following elements:
— the priority of group values and aims over those common to mankind, over public and social ones;
— there is group hierarchy available;
PSYCHOLOGICAL PRACTICES IN MYSTIC TRADITIONS: FROM ARCHAIC TO OUR DAYS. Andrey G. Safronov 225
— there is an established system of control over behaviour of the cult group member, including his private life beyond the organization;