VI
Assimilation of Religious Discourses
Although Christ had relatively little to say about sex during his own lifetime, he made it quite clear that he was opposed to divorce, not least because of his concern for women abandoned in this way. Moreover, in an oft cited passage from Mark, he is reported to have offered praise for „male eunuchs who made themselves so to serve the Kingdom of Heaven’ (Matthew 19:12). While some early Christians took this statement to mean that God requires abstinence from His followers, others who were more literal in their interpretation went so far as to castrate themselves. While Origen, who died ca254 AD, was perhaps the most notable example of this latter stream of thought, by the fourth century the Church hierarchy had prohibited all acts of genital self-mutilation (Bullough 1976).
If definitive statements by Christ on the subject of sexuality were most notable by their absence, Paul more than made up for this silence by engaging in detailed interpretations of Christ's words. While stressing that celibacy is always the best course of action for Christians wishing to lead a spiritual life, he acknowledged that marriage is an acceptable (if inferior) alternative for those who are tempted by the pleasures of the flesh (Good News Bible, 1 Corinthias: 12: 7-9) .
As for his views on women, Paul was adamant that they were the principal source of sexual temptation, citing Adam and Eve's fall from grace as evidence in support of this conclusion. Moreover, it was this belief that led him to call for women's subordination at the hands of their husbands or fathers, so that their powers of seduction might not lead other men astray (1 Corinthians 7:1)
. Of course, among the sins which they might induce men to commit, few were as serious as extra-marital sex. The New Testament was exceedingly clear on this point: adultery, fornication, sodomy and masturbation were absolutely and completely forbidden.
Still, it must be acknowledged that the early Church's hostility to sex did not develop in a social vacuum. The Near East was rife with ascetic religious sects in the early centuries of the Christian era, and many of these were in direct competition with Christianity for followers, thereby forcing the latter to adopt many of its rivals' ideas in a bid to make itself more marketable.
Two sects that were particularly influential in this regard were Gnosticism and Manichaeism. Although the former was denounced by Clement of Alexandria in the second century, its abhorrence of the material world in general, and temptations of the flesh in particular, had already proved influential among leading Christian scholars of the time, of which Justin Martyr is only the most notable example. Moreover, these ascetic tendencies were reinforced in turn by the co-option of Manichaeist doctrine by St Augustine among others. In short, Manichaeism posited a universe divided into Kingdoms of Light and Darkness, with human beings poised between the two, their bodies the product of Darkness, yet in possession of souls that were derived from the Kingdom of Light. Thus, each individual must endeavour to free his or her soul from its bodily shackles by abstaining from sex, eating a diet free of meat and so on. While acknowledging that Augustine was once a follower of Manes himself, his inability to control his own bodily desires had led him to reject Manichaeism in favour of Christianity, though he held onto his dim view of all things related to human sexuality, with the single exception being sex for the sake of procreation. Needless to say, his ideas have since proven to be extremely influential in the development of Church doctrine on matters touching upon sex and reproduction (Bullough 1976).
During the early phase of Spanish colonial expansion into the Americas, shortage of labour power combined with the relative weakness of social control mechanisms contributed to something of a relaxation in Christian sexual norms, particularly in regions (eg. Costa Rica) that were far removed from the power centres of the time.
Thus, even as the Roman Catholic hierarchy in colonial San José condemned divorce and fornication, it was pragmatic enough to recognize its own powerless to enforce these edicts, along with the agricultural sector's desperate need for labourers. In the face of these contradictions, the Church became increasingly concerned with form rather than substance, while turning a blind eye to the burgeoning population of 'illegitimate' children.
A similar outlook characterized the Catholic Church's views on the conversion of indigenous peoples. According to Ricardo Blanco, a priest who has carried out an extensive examination of the Costa Rican Church's historical development, evangelization of the native population was never a priority for the Spanish colonialists. Quite simply, the latter believed that real conversion to Christianity was not feasible due to the poor intellectual capacities of indigenous people, together with the great differences which were thought to exist between Christianity and native religions (Blanco 1987.
As for Church leaders' attitude towards the Spanish settlers, their two principal concerns revolved around ensuring that the population remained at least nominally Catholic on the one hand (ie. that they partook of the principal sacraments), and the advancement of their own political agenda on the other. As one might imagine, the latter point is an important one, underlining as it does the fact that the Church was closely allied to the Costa Rican state structure from its very inception.
As it happens, this cosy arrangement would remain largely unquestioned until the 1960s, when liberation theology began to make inroads among segments of the Costa Rican priesthood. Moreover, at the very moment that rank-and-file members of the clergy became increasingly vocal in their criticism of conservative Church leaders, the latter were faced with a threat from an entirely new direction: Protestant missionaries from North America eager to gain converts among the country's low and middle classes. Needless to say, their efforts in this regard have been hugely successful, leading to a 300 percent increase in Evangelical Church membership over the course of the past three decades. Today, as much as 15 percent of the country's population self-identifies as Protestant (Blanco 1987, p.34).
Drawing inspiration from Scripture, fundamentalist churches in Costa Rica have sought to reenergize Christianity by championing the (supposed) values and mores of the early Church. In matters of sex and sexuality, this entails an emphasis upon abstinence before marriage, and condemnation of family planning, abortion, and all sexual practices that are not heterosexual in orientation. Moreover, it should be noted as well that these churches have joined the Roman Catholic hierarchy in staunchly opposing sex education in the public school system, while promoting their own, religiously-based educational programmes instead.
Evidence of contradiction within dominant religious discourses serves to promote change in the way that youth think and act. State policy, gender and class relations, along with the effects of epidemics such as AIDS are among the forces that might be influential in this regard, to the degree that they induce young people to re-interpret or challenge 'orthodox' principles and demands. In the paragraphs that follow, we examine the role of gender in shaping discourse, paying particular attention to the different ways in which men and women assimilate and modify the dictates of religion.
By now it should be obvious that discourses are never able to impose themselves with absolute authority. Thus, despite the fact that ethnographic observation has shown women to be more likely than men to participate in religious activities, it does not necessarily follow that they are faithful adherents to Church doctrine. As will be made clear in the discussion below, some precepts are accepted, while others are not.
How so? In short, our interviews with female participants underscored the degree to which women’s religious orientation is shaped through the interplay of Church doctrine on the one hand, and their own interpersonal relations on the other. In effect, this means that their willingness to believe in the divine origin of religious edicts (eg. prohibition of divorce) does not prevent them from discarding them should these edicts endanger of the stability of their personal lives. In cases such as these, the offending precept is relegated to the status of exception, while those injunctions which have no bearing on close friends or family members are more readily accepted.
Moreover, with regard to sexuality in particular, the young women interviewed do not believe that it is simply a means of procreation (the Church’s position), but see it instead as a way of expressing affection within a caring, loving relationship. This is confirmed by the comments of participants like Hilda, who indicated that sex is a „way of uniting with another person.’ Needless to say, it is but a short step from this perspective to the view that loving sex, even outside of marriage, is not a sin. As Adriana put it, „if some day I really love somebody and want to have intercourse with him, so what, I will!.’
Significantly, even in cases where female participants do support the Catholic Church’s prohibition of extra-marital sex, this generally has less to do with religious conviction, and rather more with individuals’ concern over what might occur should they engage in such activity. Thus, to cite but one example, Paula has decided to remain celibate before marriage „because of the consequences of being a single mother.’
The issue of divorce draws out an analogous set of responses among the young women who participated in the study. If relations between husband and wife are sufficiently destructive, and if the children are being negatively affected, most would be willing to consider divorce as a way out of an impossible situation .Thus, while Susana and Leidy indicated that it was justified in cases of adultery, violence and mistreatment, Marianela stated quite simply that, „if the couple’s unhappy, they should do it.’ Hilda is equally pragmatic, stating that „if there’s no way to sort things out, then what else is there to do?’
Prostitution receives similar treatment at the hands of the women interviewed. Paula argued that it should not be seen as sin when „the mother does it to save her children.’ Yahaira agrees, drawing a distinction between cases where it is driven by necessity as opposed to pleasure.
Not surprisingly, female participants become even less accepting of Church doctrine when it impacts directly upon their independence and personal autonomy. Thus, despite the fact that women are routinely exhorted by priests, pastors and religious texts to act submissively towards the men in their lives, most of the women interviewed rejected these demands out of hand. In Hilda’s words, the expectation that a woman should bow down to her man is simply „not realistic.’ In a similar vein, Paula feels that „there's a lot of hypocrisy in the Church and that you should be able to make your own decisions.’
As for the issue of homosexuality, many were quite negative in their assessment of it, though not, it should be added, on account of Church views on the matter. Some said that they were turned off because it was „disgusting’ and „dirty’, while others thought that it went against the natural scheme of things. For instance, Paula indicated that she does not understand how people can alter the function of sexual organs which are meant to be complimentary. In another example, Maria stated that she was opposed to homosexuality because it deprives women of potential mates: „there are gay men who are so good-looking and that’s just a waste.’
However, it is important to note that women’s perspective changes once they become personally acquainted with an individual who is gay or lesbian. Gisella, for one, defends homosexuality because she has a cousin who is gay, and is good friends with his partner as well. As she put it, „no one has the right to meddle in his life.’ a similar point of view was expressed by Yahaira, who said that she knows several gay men, and „they’re all good guys.’
Finally, it should be emphasized that young women are also willing to oppose Church doctrine when it places their health or well-being at risk. In short, most of the female participants said that they were entirely willing to use contraceptives and condoms, both to avoid unwanted pregnancies and to minimize the risk of acquiring an STD. Even Susana, who describes herself as fundamentalist on religious matters, indicated that she has no qualms about using prophylactics to ensure that she has no more children than she is able to support.
As was underscored during the course of the interview and focus group sessions, young men tend to be less devout and less preoccupied with interpersonal relations than their female counterparts. Moreover, it was also made clear to us that their understanding of what is morally right and wrong is grounded less in the omnipotence of God, and more in their own sense of order and logic. In this way, young men are most likely to obey religious interdictions that make sense to them on an intellectual level, while those that do not are transgressed with impunity or else simply ignored.
Masturbation is a case in point. Most male participants stated that they had no idea why it was deemed sinful, seeing it as a normal part of their sexual development. As one interviewee put it, 'even priests masturbate to diminish their desire for women.' Significantly, even in the limited number of cases where individuals did express opposition to masturbation, they did so in non-religious terms. For example, Jorge argued that it was a pointless exercise: 'you are not giving love to anybody, it's just imaginary.'
In analogous fashion, young men's willingness to accept the Church's interdiction against homosexuality is to a large extent based upon their view that this is a 'logical' position to take. Arguing that men and women's sexual anatomy is 'complementary', most felt that any attempt to engage in alternative forms of sexual practice (such as anal intercourse) must necessarily be a violation of God's will. In Juan's words, gays and lesbians 'should come to terms with the way God made them, the sex God made them.' Interestingly, discovering that a friend of his was gay did nothing to alter Juan's perspective; he simply broke off his friendship with him. Needless to say, this stands in sharp contrast to women in a similar situation, who are generally far more accepting of homosexuality among friends and family members.
As for the question of non-procreative or extra-marital sex, the majority of young men interviewed were far less willing than the Roman Catholic Church to condemn such practices out of hand. Quite simply, most felt that since sex is pleasurable and 'natural' it is only right that men should be able to enjoy it, regardless of whether they are married or not. To cite José, 'if you run into a chick somewhere, why should you abstain? No way!' However, by the same token it must be acknowledged that several participants felt it made sense to remain celibate prior to marriage. Reasons cited in this regard ranged from the importance of testing one's loyalty to one's partner, to individuals' inability to support children born out of wedlock.
Even so, almost all of the young men who participated in the study disagreed with the Roman Catholic position on divorce and family planning, though once again their views tended to be grounded in logic rather than religious conviction. With regard to the latter issue in particular, most shared Guillermo's opinion that 'the Church has become too strict and puritanical,' arguing that, in cases where 'partners don't love each other' or 'can't get along,' divorce is acceptable and cannot be considered a sin. In Danny's words, 'it's better for them to stop living together and fooling themselves, otherwise marriage becomes a farce.'
Similarly, thee was widespread consensus among participants that condom use and family planning are reasonable measures in the face of present-day realities, which include the risk of contracting HIV/AIDS and lacking sufficient resources to care for a large number of children. Indeed, several went so far as to repeat an advertising slogan used by Profamilia, a private company that markets contraceptives in Costa Rica: 'have only the number of children you can afford to make happy.'
Finally, with respect to prostitution, it should be noted that the majority of young men interviewed indicated that they were opposed to it. Among the reasons cited were the sense that it was preposterous to pay for sex, and the belief that most prostitutes could engage in other forms of work if they so wished. To quote Aaron, 'sex is about love rather than money; there are other jobs that don't take away from a woman's dignity.' However, like their female counterparts, the men were sensitive enough to realize that there are situations in which prostitution becomes unavoidable, for example to meet basic living expenses or support children. As Alan put it, 'if a woman's doing it to buy food, it's not a sin.'
Community religious discourses
In previous chapters we have argued that social class plays a significant role in influencing processes of discourse internalization and development. This claim is borne out when we turn our attention to religious discourses in Villa del Mar and Villa del Sol. While the middle-class population of the latter community tends to see religion as dynamic and adaptable in the face of new circumstances, for the relatively poor inhabitants of Villa del Mar not only is the Church more important in their day-to-day lives, but religious belief is much less flexible. That is to say, it is expected that religion will confront and challenge new realities, rather than adapting to them.
Thus, one is not particularly surprised to learn that religion has lost much of its importance for Villa del Sol’s young people. Interview participants felt that it was no longer necessary; that it was akin to idol-worship or, in once case, that it should be rejected because it was imposed by Spanish colonizers. As one might imagine, the relative sophistication of the arguments put forth in this regard are closely related to the participants’ privileged socio-economic status. Most have stayed in school far longer than their counterparts in Villa del Mar, and as such have been exposed to information about other religions or alternative perspectives on the Spanish conquest and the imposition of Christianity in the Americas.
Moreover, despite the fact that most households in Villa del Sol are characterized by two parents living under the same roof with their children (in other words, the ideal „Christian’ family), the young people from this community who participated in the study were generally quite sceptical of the Church’s expectations in the area of on pre-marital sex and contraceptive use.
With regard to the former issue in particular, several participants said that it was „impossible’ to remain celibate prior to marriage. Of course, it hardly needs to be emphasized that Villa del Sol youth tend to get married much later in life than is the case in Villa del Mar, as most of them go on to some form of post-secondary education following the completion of high school. It is for this reason that long-term celibacy, as demanded by the Church, is not considered feasible. Kenneth, for one, argues that although abstention is a worthy aim in principle, „it doesn’t happen that way in real life, since most people have had sex by the time they’re 17.’ Along similar lines, both Gisella and Adriana felt that it was up to each person to decide whether or not to have sex before marriage. As Adriana put it, „it’s my choice, not the Church’s.’
Moreover, several young people commented that they had forsaken Christianity precisely because of the emphasis placed upon chastity and virginity. For example, Hilda said that she resents the Catholic Church for its opposition to premarital sex and wishes that it was „more understanding.’ Gianina, meanwhile, criticized the Church for its refusal to countenance sex education in schools, and longs for the day when Mass will more „fun’ and sex judged less harshly. Others’ attacks were more general in scope, with Paula commenting upon priests’ negative attitude towards young people, and José exclaiming that he is sickened by all the „lies’ he is told in church.
In Villa del Mar, by contrast, young people look upon Christianity in far more favourable terms. Although the reasons for this are undoubtedly complex, one factor is undoubtedly the preponderance of singe-parent families. In a community where stable marriages are the exception rather than the rule, children and adolescents have every reason to become staunch defenders of the Church's position on divorce and the sanctity of marriage.
Even as one acknowledges that there are some young people in Villa del Mar who have rejected the values and dictates of Christianity, most are fervent supporters of them. For instance, Juan said that 'church is an interesting and good place to go,' a statement reiterated by Ursula: 'I'm the one who gets up at seven in the morning to do the housework in order to go to Mass. I've always liked it, I like everything they say.' Interestingly, even Guillermo, who is not a devout Christian, stated that religion is 'very important,' and provides a means of escaping from the troubles he faces in his everyday life.
This last point is an important one, highlighting as it does the fact that many in Villa del Mar turn to Christianity because they expect it to be able to solve their problems, whether these be family break-up or the threat posed by poverty, drugs or alcohol. Moreover, this expectation is evident in the words of participants. Rosangela, for one, stressed the importance of abstaining from sex before marriage, and said that she often tells her recently divorced sister 'to go to church to learn what it is was that she did wrong.' Meanwhile, Juan indicated that he believes 'religion to be important because it keeps young people away from vices.' Finally, Ursula, who is single and lives with her parents, said that she respects the Church for 'making people stay together in order to save marriages.'
In similar fashion, many interview participants in Villa del Mar placed particular emphasis upon the importance of meeting the Church's requirements in the area of fornication. Indeed, for some, being able to dress in white at their wedding was one of the most appealing aspects of Christian ritual. In short, while women tended to see it as a way of guaranteeing a good marriage in the future, men considered it to be a useful gauge of their future wife's moral character.
Substance abuse and prostitution are other issues that young people living in Villa del Mar hope will be resolved through faith in God. Several participants indicated that they thought religion was capable of helping drug abusers and prostitutes to make the right choices. In the words of Isidro, 'the greatest benefit the Church has to offer is that it makes people abandon drugs.' Of course, it need hardly be added that religion has actually to be successful in dealing with these problems if it is to keep young people's respect. However, there is evidence to suggest that this success is not always forthcoming, with several participants expressing disappointment at the reluctance of many priests and ministers to speak frankly about issues that concern them, such as sex and substance abuse.
Fundamentalist religious discourses
In the preceding pages, we have endeavoured to highlight some of the ways in which sexual discourses can be transformed by socio-economic status, changing gender ideology and technological innovation. However, even as one acknowledges the degree to which these developments have undermined traditional views of sex and sexuality in Costa Rica, it is clear that not everyone has embraced these new values with open arms.
Religious fundamentalists in particular have taken it upon themselves to defend Christian mores in the face of what they perceive to be an increasingly self-absorbed and permissive social order. However, this is not to say that their only concern is the past. Rather, they seek to confront modernity and restructure it to its very core. Finding a ready source of recruits among that segment of the population that has benefited least from the country's economic development, fundamentalists have challenged head-on the 'immorality' of fornication in general and the practices of sexual minorities in particular.
Still, this is not to suggest that there is only one stream of fundamentalist thought. Most notably, there are significant differences between Protestant and Roman Catholic varieties. Inter alia, Protestants reject the authority of the Pope, priestly celibacy, the divinity of the Virgin Mary, and the presence of images in church. Whether or not these difference are important in and of themselves -after all, only one of the young people interviewed was able to distinguish between Protestant and Catholic religious doctrine -it is clear that the Protestant churches in particular are closely allied with (and funded by) the American religious right, and as such have adopted many of the latter's views on such subjects as feminism, homosexuality, scientific progress and family planning. Indeed, one might even go so far as to argue that evangelical Protestants in Costa Rica are more doctrinaire and inflexible with respect to sexual matters than their Roman Catholic counterparts.
How so? As one might imagine, fundamentalists place great stress upon the extent to which modern society has abandoned traditional Christian morality. In the words of a study participant who is also the leader of a Christian youth movement, 'these days ... promiscuity is a terrible problem, especially because we live in a world that encourages it. Homosexuality is widespread in today's society.' Moreover, it is obvious that most of the young Protestants whom we interviewed have internalized a highly essentialist understanding of 'appropriate' sexual roles and relations. For example, consider the following statements by Alexandra:
I believe the natural order of things was established by God. That's why you shouldn't start trying to change things.
By imposing His law, God's aim was to eliminate the filth and impurities within us.
Temptation can only be avoided by carefully following established norms.
God made Man and Woman so that they would complement each other in marriage.
If it's part of God's plan that Man and Woman be together, there shoudn't anything different.
In similar fashion, fundamentalists are clearly distrustful of sexual pleasure in all of its forms. To cite Jonathan,
I believe sex is bad; people go berserk doing filthy things. That's why I find sex disgusting and prefer only to give kisses...Young people surrender to pleasure too easily. Sexual urges are very strong in young people; that's where all vice comes from. Sin is everywhere, it's like a current that flows and drags everything down with it, it's very strong and difficult to stop.
Of course, closely related to the opinions expressed above is the zeal with which evangelical Christians denounce the principle of gender equality. As one might imagine, their disdain for the latter was made abundantly clear during the course of the focus group sessions, where it blended into manifestations of blatant misogyny and homophobia::
Women are characterized by softness and men by strength. That's the way it should be and it shouldn't be changed. What we need to do is develop the qualities that are innate within each sex.
As far as femininity and masculinity are concerned, women are more delicate, they don't go around lifting weights or heavy bags. Men are stronger. That's a basic biological distinction.
The wife should be submissive. In a Christian marriage it's the man that's boss.
When women go around dressed in really tight-fitting mini-skirts or T-shirts, I find it offensive. It irritates me.
I believe that in societies where women are more liberated there are more homosexuals, because men have a harder time relating to women in these places.
As one might imagine, this last statement is an especially telling one, since the speaker is attempting to draw a link between female assertiveness on the one hand, and male homosexuality on the other. However, while it is clear that fundamentalists see both as 'deviant', to the extent that they challenge traditional Christian morality, there can be little doubt that their condemnation of homosexuality is particular severe, as is amply shown by the comments below:
By destroying their body, these young homosexuals have also destroyed their soul
My experience with homosexuals leads me to believe they're negative people. They're defensive, secretive fault-finders, they debase themselves; they pretend to be happy but they only sow discord.
It's difficult to be with them, they always try to disguise themselves because they feel bad and it's because they're flawed.
AIDS, from this perspective, is considered to be a divine punishment imposed upon (and spread by) homosexuals because of their sinful behaviour:
AIDS is...a warning. There is a divine plan, a certain order; if men don't comply with it, they're going to be punished.
We knew the AIDS problem was coming; it's written in the Bible, the thing is people don't know it, they ignore it. In a world like ours, so full of evil, destruction, men kill each other, there are vices, homosexuality. That's why AIDS came.
The other day there was a special program on television where homosexuals were shown on the street kissing and hugging each other, touching each other's buttocks. Many of them have AIDS and live together because they're not afraid of anything, not even death or God.
Moreover, given their views on the origin of the AIDS epidemic, it is not surprising that many of the young fundament