The Sexual Construction of Latino Youth by Jacobo Schifter - HTML preview

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XII
Informal Resistance to Discourses

Background

From the outset, one might usefully recall the socio-economic characteristics that distinguish Villa del Mar from Villa del Sol:

In general, Villa del Mar youth who took part in this study hail from low-income social strata, in which absentee fathers and single, working mothers are the norm. Moreover, in the absence of readily accessible intellectual and material resources, young people become 'body-oriented', seeing the latter as the primary means through which to express their gender and sexuality.

Meanwhile, the majority of participants from Villa del Sol were characterized by staunchly middle-class family backgrounds, with professional fathers and stay-at-home mothers. Thus, not only do young people here enjoy a carefree material existence, but they also have access to a high quality education. Needless to say, this in turn leads them to place less emphasis upon innate physical qualities when defining themselves, and more on the acquisition of status symbols, whether money, expensive clothes or a prestigious job.

As we will endeavour to show in the pages that follow, social class (along with gender) is a key determinant of the forms of resistance adopted by young people at any given moment in space or time.

Resistance by young women in Villa del Mar

During the course of interviews and group sessions involving female participants from Villa del Mar, we were continuously struck by the latter's seeming inability to communicate opinions, feelings and abstract ideas, particularly when these touched upon matters of sex. Even among those who had experienced sexual initiation (which typically occurs between the ages of 11 and 13 for girls living in this community), no one was able to describe the physical differences between men and women, or what distinguishes oral from penetrative sex.

How to explain this state of affairs? While it is true that female youth living in Villa del Mar enjoy limited access to social and educational resources, we would argue that young women's apparent lack of sexual knowledge on a cognitive-critical level is in fact indicative of non-verbal resistance to the tenets of hegemonic discourses.

Thus, even though almost all of the female participants launched into their interview by denying any sexual experience whatsoever, many would subsequently confess to a range of sexual practices, including petting, mutual masturbation and fellatio. Indeed, some went so far as to admit that they had participated in group sex games and other forms of play in which the loser would be obliged to give sexual favours or watch pornographic films. However, despite these admissions, participants would continue to deny that they were sexually active, since they had not engaged in vaginal intercourse.

Still, this is not to suggest that young women's resistance to dominant sexual discourses is unidimensional. For example, many are also resentful of the heavy emphasis placed upon biology in sex education classes, along with their teachers' lack of honesty and openness in discussing issues related to human sexuality. As one might imagine, this in turn prompts them to disregard information provided in a school setting, and to make use instead of alternative learning channels, including fashion magazines and television soap operas

Day-dreaming is also relevant in this regard, representing a form of resistance whose scope is, in many cases, directly proportional to the degree of repression suffered by individuals at the hands of their parents or other family members. Drawing liberally upon the plots of romantic novels and movies, young women imagine wildly erotic encounters free of guilt and drudgery, along with miraculous solutions to their economic woes and poor employment prospects.

Moreover, one might argue that involvement in evangelical Protestant churches is another means by which Villa del Mar's young women resist the tenets of dominant discourses. Although few could identify with precision the liturgical and dogmatic differences between Roman Catholicism and its Protestant counterparts, it was clear -both from the interviews and through ethnographic observation -that the new churches are especially popular with women.

Why is this the case? In the first instance, it is clear that many dislike the misogynous attitude that permeates all aspects of Catholic worship, and thus have turned to Protestantism because it offers greater scope for female involvement in church activities, including its governance structure. Furthermore, young women also appreciate the firm stance adopted by evangelical churches on male sexual impropriety, seeing it as a powerful counterweight to the double standards inherent within prevailing patriarchal discourses.

Finally, it should be emphasized that, among those whom we interviewed, there was a close correlation between opposition to dominant discourses and identification with more masculines roles and behaviour. Raquel is a case in point. Having been raised in a family of boys, and allowed to play and experiment alongside them, she has grown up to become a young woman who is neither fearful of decision-making nor of openly challenging the restrictions and prohibitions placed upon her as a member of the 'weaker' sex.

Resistance by young men in Villa del Mar

Like their female counterparts, male adolescents in Villa del Mar have adopted a range of strategies in order to make manifest their opposition to the tenets of hegemonic discourses. Certainly the most visible of these is the habit many have adopted of wearing their hair long, piercing and tattooing their bodies, and choosing clothes that highlight their muscles and tanned skin. Needless to say, these fashion statements are meant to underscore young men's disdain for Christian notions of modesty and chastity.

In similar fashion, it is quite common for male adolescents to express their hostility towards the Church and the mainstream values it represents by refusing to go to mass, or by calling into question the moral integrity of priests and other religious officials. Indeed, male youth find few pastimes more entertaining than recounting stories of sexual abuse or impropriety perpetrated by those whom they sarcastically refer to as 'God's representatives on earth'.

As we will endeavour to show in the following section, young men's strategy of focusing upon priests' hyperactive libidos and sordid sexual encounters stands in marked contrast to the approach favoured by their counterparts in Villa del Sol, where it is far more common to use logic as a basis upon which to uncover hypocrisy and contradiction within religious institutions and the individuals who represent them.

Meanwhile, male participants whose fathers have abandoned their families and left their mothers to raise the children single-handedly will often adopt views and opinions that run directly counter to predominant gender discourses. For example, Alberto described his mother as 'both the man and woman' as far as household management is concerned, as well as noting that she is the only breadwinner in the family.

Needless to say, this has made him exceedingly sensitive to others' comments that women are incapable of engaging in anything more strenuous than housework. As he put it, 'what's really unfair is the way women get billed as the weaker sex, as though they were made of glass while men are made of iron.' For Alberto, individuals who subscribe to such a view are ignorant, as are those who treat their wives as 'objects or 'slaves'.

As for matters touching directly upon sex and sexuality, young men in Villa del Mar are no less vocal in their resistance. Thus, with respect to sex education classes in particular, many will endeavour to show their contempt for the course material by laughing and joking continuously, and by poling fun at anyone who appears to be genuinely interested in what the teacher has to say. Indeed, from this perspective it came as no surprise to us when several female interview participants came forward to complain about their male counterparts, suggesting that they were more interested in making a mockery of the process than actually educating themselves in matters touching upon reproductive health and human sexuality.

Of course, it is also common for young men to challenge prevailing sexual mores and values by expressing their sexuality through illegitimate channels, such as premarital intercourse, masturbation, bestiality, homosexuality and group sex. Indeed, particularly interesting in this regard is the notion of 'friends with rights', in essence an unconventional sexual relationship in which neither party makes a commitment to the other. In this way, by turning mainstream views on dating and marriage on their head, young people engage in a form of group resistance to hegemonic discourses that emphasize purity, fidelity and virginity.

Moreover, also pertinent in this regard is the willingness with which young men transgress place-and time-based taboos on sexual activity, for example by engaging in intercourse during daylight hours or in public spaces. To cite but one example, Kenneth reported having friends who go to the beach everyday after school, armed with binoculars so that they might spy on other young couples (whether hetero-or homosexual) who are in the midst of a discrete sexual encounter.

Along similar lines, several male participants indicated that they went out of their way to befriend members of 'deviant' sexual minorities, including female sex trade workers, transvestites, gays and lesbians. Indeed, many also showed themselves to be remarkably willing to defend prostitutes' right to practice their trade, arguing that the Church's condemnation of commercial sex fails to pay adequate heed to the social realities in which many of these women find themselves. As with other practices that run counter to prevailing assumptions and values, participants' objective in voicing such an opinion was to register opposition to sexual mores that circumscribed and limited expressions of their own sexuality.

Finally, one might argue that the numerous young men who indicated to us that they are planning to leave Villa del Mar, either to pursue post-secondary studies or in the hope of finding better paid work in other cities, are also engaging in a form of resistance, whereby dominant community values are self-consciously rejected or called into question. Thus, rather than aspiring to become 'real' men whose masculinity is expressed through their physical prowess or domination of others, these individuals are endeavouring to construct an alternative identity, founded upon such pillars as educational attainment or financial prosperity.

Resistance by young men in Villa del Sol

In light of the stark socio-economic differences that distinguish the two communities from each other, it is not particularly surprising that young men living in Villa del Sol do not challenge dominant discourses in the same way as their counterparts in Villa del Mar. Whereas members of the latter group tend to express resistance through their bodies, the former are far more likely to make use of critical thinking as a means of undermining mainstream values.

Indeed, one might even go so far as to suggest that superior reasoning skills play much the same role as strength and virility in Villa del Mar, communicating to others that one is worthy of respect, while at the same time providing the basis for displays of rebellion and resistance.

In many respects, Santiago is typical in this regard, using logic and reason in a bid to counter the seemingly unstoppable forces that have served to turn his life upside down. The son of recently divorced parents, he lives alone with his mother, who depends on her ex-husband's modest support payments to make ends meet.

Given the acrimonious circumstances that surrounded the break-up, including spousal abuse and sexual infidelity on the part of his father, Santiago is understandably bitter. In short, not only did he blame his mother for initiating divorce proceedings, but he also began to feel ashamed, dirty and contemptuous of the Christian God that had, in his eyes, failed him. As a way of underscoring his disenchantment, he turned his back on Christianity, focusing his reading instead upon the writings of Charles Darwin, along with the holy texts of any number of Eastern religions.

However, at a certain point his criticism of the Roman Catholic Church became so forceful that his mother, father and teachers began to take notice, punishing him severely for giving voice to such heresies. This in turn prompted him to use 'logic' once again in an attempt to resolve this latest crisis, indicating to us in an interview session that his studies had led him to the realization that 'all scientific evidence points to the Christian Bible's unfailing accuracy,' and that it was God, rather than the man from whose sperm he derives, who is his true father.

In similar fashion, when Aaron was recently faced with his father's death and subsequent community disapproval of his mother for becoming involved with another man, both he and his older brother felt compelled to interrogate convictions and assumptions they had long taken for granted. While it was precisely this latter process that caused his brother to adopt a strict atheist perspective, Aaron himself has become considerably less zealous in his faith, arguing that Christianity must be guided by intelligence, reason and flexibility if it is to remain relevant in the modern era.

Moreover, male participants in Villa del Sol also used critical thinking to expose contradictions in other hegemonic discourses, with Guillermo in particular arguing that sexism is both 'silly' and 'unfair'. As he put it, 'why must only women remain virgin before marriage? If the woman has to, the man should do the same.' However, by the same token it should be noted that the use of logic in resisting dominant models and assumptions is restricted primarily to individuals who are experiencing significant problems in their lives (such as the divorce of their parents); others are more likely to use critical thinking on behalf of the status quo, rather than against it.

Resistance by young women in Villa del Sol

In important respects, Villa del Sol's young women are similar to its young men. That is to say, they complain of the same communication problems with their parents, and are no less aware of the Church's deep-seated influence over many areas of social life. Moreover, they also tend to be articulate, expressive and self-confident, qualities that distinguish them in no uncertain terms from female adolescents in Villa del Mar.

While one might argue that young women in Villa del Sol challenge the tenets of dominant discourses in a number of significant ways, for example by using critical thinking to expose discursive contradictions (ie. in a fashion similar to that of their male counterparts), or by refusing to adopt a 'feminine' appearance (eg. short skirt, nail polish and high heels), others, such as Nidia, have gone further in their resistance.

How so? Quite simply, not only does she refuse to conceal the fact that she is an atheist, but her criticism of the elitism, corrupt practices and misogynous outlook of the Roman Catholic hierarchy is at once damning and eloquent:

How can you respect the pope when he carries a diamond-studded cross and proclaims his love of simplicity when he kisses a child in Somalia but doesn't care whether the child has got enough to eat? In addition, why is it that we've never seen a female pope, a black pope, a Latin, Asian or African pope? They've all been white Europeans who've spent their whole life in Rome.

If these charges were not serious enough in themselves, Nidia went on to identify other areas in which she believes the Church to be dangerously out of step with present-day realities. In her view, nowhere is this more evident than in the field of women's rights, which continue to be trampled upon with impunity by a religious hierarchy that appears bent on preserving white male privilege regardless of the cost to anyone else.

Moreover, even though she often feels intense shame when she looks at herself in a mirror, she is open with her feelings and frank when discussing her sexuality. Needless to say, this is an important point, for it underscores the degree to which Nidia is attempting to fashion for herself a sexual identity that is based upon honesty and self-awareness, rather than guilt and self-hatred. Let us hope that more young people follow in Nidia's footsteps.