Introduction to the Old Testament by John Edgar McFadyen - HTML preview

PLEASE NOTE: This is an HTML preview only and some elements such as links or page numbers may be incorrect.
Download the book in PDF, ePub, Kindle for a complete version.

love of God by which that redemption is inspired.[2] Nothing remains

but for the people to lay hold, in faith, of the salvation which is

so nigh, and which is so high above all human expectation (lv.).

[Footnote 1: Ch. 1. 10, 11 are apparently late.]

[Footnote 2: From liv. 17 and on we hear of the "_servants_ of

Jehovah," not as in xl.-li i., of the _servant_.]

CHAPTERS LVI.-LXVI.

The problem of the origin and date of this section is one of the

most obscure and intricate in the Old Testament. The general

similarity of the tone to that of xl.-lv. is unmistakable. There is

the same assurance of redemption, the same brilliant pictures of

restoration. But, apart from the fact that, on the whole, the style

of lvi.-lxvi. seems less original and powerful, the situation

presupposed is distinctly different. In xl.-lv., Israel, though

occasional y regarded as unworthy, is treated as an ideal whole,

whereas in lvi.-lxvi. there are two opposed classes within Israel

itself (cf. lvi . 3ff., 15ff.). One of these classes is guilty of

superstitious and idolatrous rites, lvii. 3ff., lxv. 3, 4, lxvi. 17,

whereas in xl.-lv. the Babylonians were the idolaters, xlvi. 1.

Again, the kind of idolatry of which Israel is guilty is not

Babylonian, but that indigenous to Palestine, and it is described in

terms which sometimes sound like an echo of pre-exilic prophecy,

lvi . 5, 7 (Hos. iv. 13)--so much so indeed that some have regarded

these passages as pre-exilic.

The spiritual leaders of the people are false to their high trust,

lvi. 10-12. This last passage implies a religious community more or

less definitely organized--a situation which would suit post-exilic

times, but hardly the exile; and this presumption is borne out by

many other hints. The temple exists, lvi. 7, lx. 7, 13, but religion

is at a low ebb. Fast days are kept in a mechanical spirit, and are

marred by disgraceful conduct (lvi i.). Judah suffers from raids,

lxii. 8, Jerusalem is unhappy, lxv. 19, her wal s are not yet built,

lx, 10. The gloomy situation explains the passionate appeal of

lxii . 7-lxiv. to God to interpose--an appeal utterly unlike the

serene assurance of xl.-lv.: it explains, too, why threat and

promise here alternate regularly, while there the predominant note

was one of consolation.

In its general temper and background, though not in its style, the

chapters forcibly recal Malachi. There is the same condemnation of

the spiritual leaders (lvi. 10-12; Mal. i. i .), the same emphasis

on the fatherhood of God (lxi i. 16, lxiv. 8; Mal. i. 6, i . 10,

ii . 17), the same interest in the institutions of Judaism (lvi.),

the same depressed and hopeless mood to combat. From lx. 10 (lxi .

6?) it may be inferred that the book fal s before the building of

the walls by Nehemiah--probably somewhere between 460 and 450 B.C.

This conclusion, of course, is very far from certain; it is not even

certain that the chapters constitute a unity. Various scholars

isolate certain sections, assigning, e.g., lxi i.-lxvi. to a period

much later than lvi.-lxii., others regarding xlix.-lxii. as written

by the same author as xl.-xlvi i., but later and other different

conditions, others referring lvi.-lxii. to a pupil of Deutero-Isaiah,

who wrote not long after 520 (cf. Hag., Zech.).

To complicate matters, the text of certain passages of crucial

importance seems to be in need of emendation (cf. lxii . 18); and it

is practically certain that there are later interpolations. One can

see how intricate the problem becomes, if Marti is right in denying

so important a passage as lxiv. 10-12 to the author of the rest of

the chapter, and assigning it to Maccabean times. But, though there

are undoubted difficulties in the way, it seems not impossible to

regard lvi.-lxvi. as, in the main, a unity, and its author as a

contemporary of Malachi. In that case, the superstitious and

idolatrous people, whose presence is at first sight so surprising in

the post-exilic community, would be the descendants of the Jews who

had not been carried into exile, and who, being but superficial y

touched, if at al , by the reformation of Josiah, would perpetuate

ancient idolatrous practices into the post-exilic period.

This prophecy begins with a word of assurance to the proselytes and

eunuchs that, if they faithfully observe the Sabbath, they wil not

be excluded from participation in the temple worship, lvi. 1-8. But

the general situation (in Judah) is deplorable. The spiritual

leaders of the community are indolent and fond of pleasure, men of

no conscience or ideal (cf. Mal. ii.), with the result that the

truly godly are crushed out, lvi. 9-lvi . 2, and the old immoral

idolatry is rampant, lvi . 3-13. The sinners wil therefore be

punished, but the godly whom they have persecuted wil be comforted

and saved, lvii. 14-21. The people, who have been zealously keeping

fast-days, are surprised and vexed that Jehovah has not yet honoured

their fidelity by sending happier times: the prophet replies that

the real demands of Jehovah are not exhausted by ceremonial, but lie

rather in the fulfilment of moral duty, and especially in the duty

of practical love to the needy (lvii .). It is not the impotence of

Jehovah, but the manifold sins of the people, that have kept back

the day of salvation, lix. 1-15; but He wil one day appear to

punish His adversaries and redeem the penitent and faithful, lix.

16-21. Then the city of Jerusalem shal be glorious: her scattered

children shall stream back to her, her walls shal be rebuilt by the

gifts of the heathen nations, and she shal be mistress of the

world, enjoying peace and light and prosperity (lx.). Again the good

news is proclaimed: the Jews shal be, as it were, the priests of

Jehovah for the whole world, Jerusalem shall be secure and fair and

populous (lxi., lxii.). But if Judah is thus to prosper, her enemies

must be destroyed, and their[1] destruction is described in lxii .

1-6, a unique and powerful song of vengeance.

[Footnote 1: The enemy is not Edom alone. Instead of "from Edom and Bozrah" in lxi i. 1_a_ should be read, "Who is this that comes _stained with red_, with garments redder than a _vine-dresser's_?"]

A very striking contrast to al this dream of victory and

blessedness is presented by lxi i. 7-lxiv. 12, in which the people

sorrowful y remind themselves of the bril iant far-off days of the

Exodus when the Spirit was with them--the Spirit whom sin has now

driven away--and passionately pray that Jehovah, in His fatherly

pity, would mightily interpose to save them.[1] The devotees of

superstitious cults are threatened with destruction, lxv. 1-7, while

bril iant promises are held out to the faithful--long and happy life

in a world transformed, lxv. 8-25. Again destruction is predicted

for those who, while practising superstitious rites, are yet eager

to build a temple to Jehovah to rival the existing one in Jerusalem;

while the faithful are comforted with the prospect of victory,

increase of population and resources, and the perpetuity of their

race (lxvi.).

[Footnote 1: Professor G. A. Smith refers this prayer to the period

of disil usion after the return and before the new religious impulse

given by Haggai and Zechariah--about 525 B.C. ]

JEREMIAH

The interest of the book of Jeremiah is unique. On the one hand, it

is our most reliable and elaborate source for the long period of

history which it covers; on the other, it presents us with prophecy

in its most intensely human phase, manifesting itself through a

strangely attractive personality that was subject to like doubts and

passions with ourselves. At his cal , in 626 B.C., he was young and

inexperienced, i. 6, so that he cannot have been born earlier than

650. The political and religious atmosphere of his ministry was

alike depressing. When it began, the Scythians were overrunning

Western Asia, and Judah was the vassal of Assyria, as she continued

to be til the fall of Nineveh in 606 B.C. Josiah, in whose reign

Jeremiah began his ministry, was a good king; but the idolatries of

his grandfather Manasseh had only too surely left their mark, and

the reformation which was inaugurated on the basis of Deuteronomy

(621) had produced little permanent result. Idolatry and immorality

of al kinds continued to be the order of the day, vii. 9 (about

608). The inner corruption found its counterpart in political

disaster. The death of Josiah in 609 at Megiddo, when he took the

field, probably as the vassal of Assyria, against the king of Egypt,

was a staggering blow to the hopes of the reformers, and formed a

powerful argument in the hands of the sceptics. The vassalage of

Assyria was exchanged for the vassalage of Egypt, and that, in four

years, for the vassalage of Babylonia, whose supremacy over Western

Asia was assured by her victory on the epoch-making field of

Carchemish (605).

There was no strong ruler upon the throne of Judah during the years

preceding the exile. Jehoahaz, the successor of Josiah, deposed by

the Egyptians and exiled after a three months' reign, xxi . 10-12,

was succeeded by the rapacious Jehoiakim (608-597), who cared

nothing for the warning words of Jeremiah (xxxvi.), and his

successor Jehoiachin, who was exiled to Babylon after a three

months' reign, was followed by the weak and vacil ating Zedekiah,

who reigned from 597 to 586, when Jerusalem was taken and the

monarchy perished. The priests and prophets were no more faithful to

their high office than the kings. The prophets were superficial men

who did not realize how deep and grievous was the hurt of the

people, xxii . 9-40, and who imagined that the catastrophe, if it

came, would speedily be reversed, xxvi i.; and the priests reposed a

stubborn confidence in the inviolability of the temple (xxvi.) and

the punctiliousness of their offerings, vii. 21, 22.

Jeremiah, though he came of a priestly family, knew very well that

there was no salvation in ritual. He saw that the root of the evil

was in the heart, which was "deceitful above all things and

desperately sick," xvi . 9, and that no reformation was possible

till the heart itself was changed. It was for this reason that he

called upon the people to circumcise their heart, iv. 4, and to

search for Jehovah with al their heart, xxix. 13.

It would be interesting to know what was Jeremiah's attitude to the

law-book discovered and published in 621, but unfortunately the

problems that gather round the authenticity of the text of Jeremiah

are so vexatious that we cannot say with certainty. On the one hand,

we know that, though at that time a prophet of five years' standing,

he was not consulted on the discovery of the book (2 Kings xxii.

14); on the other hand, xi. 1-14 explicitly connects him with an

itinerant mission throughout the province of Judah for the purpose

of inculcating the teaching of "the words of this covenant," which can only be the book of Deuteronomy. But there is fairly good reason

for supposing that this passage, which is diffuse, and very unlike

the poems that fol ow it, _vv_. 15, 16, 18-20, is one of the

many later scribal additions to the book. Even if Jeremiah did

support the Deuteronomic movement, he must have felt, in the words

of Darmesteter, that "it is easier to reform the cult than the

soul," and that the real solution would never be found in the

statutes of a law-book, but only in the law written upon the heart,

xxxi. 31-33. Here again, this great prophecy of the law written upon

the heart, has been denied to Jeremiah--by Duhm, for example: but at

any rate, it is conceived in the spirit of the prophet.

It is unfortunate that some of the noblest utterances on religion in

the book of Jeremiah have been, for reasons more or less convincing,

denied to him: e.g. the great passage which looks out upon a time

when the dearest material symbols of the ancient religion would no

longer be necessary; days would come when men would never think of

the ark of the covenant, and never miss it, ii . 16. But even if it

could be proved that these words were not Jeremiah's, it was a sound

instinct that placed them in his book. He certainly did not regard

sacrifice as essential to the true religion, or as possessing any

specially divine sanction, vii. 22, and the thinker who could utter

such a word as vi . 22 is surely on the verge of a purely spiritual

conception of religion, if indeed he does not stand already within

it. If the temple is not indispensable, vi . 4, neither could the

ark be.

This severely spiritual conception of religion is but the outcome of

the intensely personal religious experience of the prophet. There is

no other prophet whose intercourse with the divine spirit is so

dramatically portrayed, or into the depths of whose heart we can so

clearly see. He speaks to God with a directness and familiarity that

are startling, "Why hast Thou become to me as a treacherous brook, as waters that are not sure?" xv. 18. He has little of the serene

majesty of Isaiah whose eyes had seen the king. His tender heart,

ix. 1, is vexed and torn til he curses not only his enemies, xi.

20ff., but the day on which he was born, xx. 14-18. He did not

choose his profession, he recoiled from it; but he was thrust into

the arena of public life by an impulse which he could not resist.

The word, which he would fain have hidden in his heart, was like a

burning fire shut up in his bones, and it leaped into speech of

flame, xx. 9.

As a poet, Jeremiah is one of the greatest. He knows the human heart

to its depths, and he possesses a power of remarkably terse and

vivid expression. Nothing could be more weird than this picture of

the utter desolation of war;--

I beheld the earth,

And lo! it was waste and void.

I looked to the sky,

And lo! its light was gone.

I beheld the mountains,

And lo! they trembled.

And al the hills

Swayed to and fro.

I beheld (the earth)

And lo! there was no man,

And al the birds of the heaven

Had fled.

iv. 23-25.

A world without the birds would be no world to Jeremiah. Of singular

power and beauty is the lament which Jeremiah puts into the mouths

of the women:--

Death is come up at our windows,

He has entered our palaces,

Cutting off the children from the streets

And the youths from the squares.

Then the figure changes to Death as a reaper:--

There fall the corpses of men

Upon the face of the field,

Like sheaves behind the reaper

Which none gathers up.

ix. 21, 22.

The book appropriately opens with the cal of Jeremiah, and

represents him as divinely preordained to his great and cheerless

task before his birth. In two visions he sees prefigured the coming

doom (i.) and the prophecies that immediately fol ow, though but

loosely connected, appear to come from an early stage of his

ministry, and to be elicited, in part, by the inroads of the

Scythians--the enemy from the north.

False to the love she bore Jehovah in the olden time, Israel has

turned for help to Egypt, to Assyria, and to the impotent Baals with

their licentious worship, i , 1-i i. 5; but[1]if in her despair and

misery she yet turns with a penitent heart to Jehovah, the prophet

assures her of His readiness to receive her, ii . 19-iv. 4. The rest

of ch. iv. contains several poems of remarkable power. The Scythians

are coming swiftly from the north, and Jeremiah's patriotic soul is

deeply moved. He sees the desolation they will work, and counsels

the people to gather in the fortified cities. The scene changes in

v. and vi. to the capital, where Jeremiah's tender and unsuspecting

heart has been harrowed by the lack of public and private

conscience; and again the land is threatened with invasion from the

swift wild Scythian hordes.

[Footnote 1: Ch. i i. 6-18 contains much that is altogether worthy

of Jeremiah, especially the great conception in v. 16 of a religion

which can dispense with its most cherished material symbols. It

interrupts the connection, however, between vv. 5 and 19, and

curiously regards Israel as the northern kingdom, distinct from

Judah, whereas in the surrounding context, ii. 3, ii . 23, Israel

stands for Judah. The difference is suspicious. Again, v. 18 would

appear to presuppose that Judah is in exile or on the verge of it,

which would make the passage among the latest in the book. If it is

Jeremiah's, it must be much later than its context.]

The following chapter (vi .) introduces us to the reign of

Jehoiakim.[1] The prophet strenuously combats the confidence falsely

reposed in the temple and the ritual: the former is but a den of

robbers, the latter had never been commanded by Jehovah, and neither

wil save them. With sorrowful eyes Jeremiah sees the coming

disaster, and he sings of it in elegies unspeakably touching (vii .-x.: cf. vi i. 18-22, ix. 21, 22).[2]

[Footnote 1: The scene in ch. vi . is very similar to, if not

identical with that in ch. xxvi., which is expressly assigned to the

beginning of Jehoiakim's reign (608).]

[Footnote 2: Ch. ix. 22 is directly continued by x. 17. Of the three

passages intervening, ix. 23, 24 (the true and false objects of

confidence) and ix. 25, 26 (punishment of those uncircumcised in

heart or flesh) are both in the spirit of Jeremiah, but they cannot

belong to this context. Ch. x. 1-16, on the other hand, can hardly

be Jeremiah's. Its theme is the impotence of idols and the

omnipotence of Jehovah--a favourite theme of Deutero-Isaiah (cf. Is.

xl.), and it is elaborated in the spirit of Is. xliv. 9-20. The

warning not to fear the idols is much more natural if addressed to

an exilic audience than to Jeremiah's contemporaries. It may be

taken for granted that the passage is later than Jeremiah.]

In ch. xi. Jeremiah is divinely impelled to undertake an itinerant

mission throughout Judah in support of the Deuteronomic legislation,

but he is warned that, for their disobedience, the people wil be

overtaken by disaster, which he must not intercede to avert, xi. 1-17.

A cruel conspiracy formed against him by his own townsmen raises

perplexities in his mind touching the moral order, but he is

reminded that stil harder things are in store, xi. l8-xi . 6. Then

fol ows a poem, xi . 7-13, lamenting the desolation of the land,

though who the aggressors are it is hard to say; but, in vv. 14-17,

a passage possibly much later, there is an ultimate possibility of

restoration both for Judah and her ravaged neighbours, if they adopt

the religion of Judah. In ch. xi i. which possibly belongs to

Jehoiachin's short reign, 597 B.C. (cf. v. 18 with 2 Kings xxiv. 8),

the utter and incurable corruption of the people is symbolically

indicated to Jeremiah, who announces the speedy fal of the throne

and the sorrows of exile.

The elements that make up chs. xiv.-xvii. are very loosely

connected. General y speaking, the situation of the people is

desperate. The doom--already inaugurated in the form of a drought-is

hastening on; no excuse wil be accepted and no intercession can avail.

In a bold and striking poem, xv. 10-21, Jeremiah complains of his

bitter and lonely fate, and is reassured of the divine support. In view of the impending misery he is forbidden to marry, and more and more he

is thrown back upon Jehovah as his absolute and only hope.[1]

[Footnote 1: Ch. xvii. 19-27 is almost certainly post-exilic, and

probably belongs to Nehemiah's time (about 450). Jeremiah nowhere else

emphasizes the Sabbath, and it would be very unlike him to represent

the future prosperity of Judah as conditional upon the people's

observance of a single law, especial y one not distinctively ethical.

Such emphasis on the Sabbath suggests the post-exilic church

(cf. Neh. xii .; Is. lvii .).]

Chs. xvi i.-xx. A chance sight of a potter refashioning a spoiled

vessel suggests to Jeremiah the conditional nature of prophecy. But

as Judah remains obstinate, the threat must be irretrievably

fulfilled. The proclamation of this truth in the temple court led to

his imprisonment. On his release he distinctly and deliberately

announces the exile to Babylon, and then breaks out into a

passionate cry, which rings with an almost unparalleled sincerity,

over the misery of his life, especially of that prophetic life to

which he had been mysteriously but irresistibly impel ed.

Ch. xxi. 1-10, one of the latest pieces in the book, contains

Jeremiah's answer to the question of Zedekiah relative to the issue

of the siege of Jerusalem, which had already begun (588). Then

fol ow two sections, one dealing with kings, xxi. 11-xxi i. 8, the

other with prophets, xxii . 9-40. The former, after an introduction

which emphasizes the specific functions of the king, deals

successively with Jehoahaz (=Shallum), Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin,

Jehoiakim's oppressive methods being pointedly contrasted with the

beneficent regime of his father Josiah; and against the present

incompetence of the rulers and misery of the monarchy is thrown up a

picture of the true king and the Messianic days, xxii . 5-8. The

latter section, xxi i. 9-40, denounces the prophets for their

immorality, their easy optimism and their lack of independence.

In ch. xxiv., which fal s in Zedekiah's reign, after the first

deportation (about 596 B.C.), it is symbolically suggested to

Jeremiah that the exiles are much better than those who were allowed

to remain in the land, and their ultimate fate would be infinitely

happier. The battle of Carchemish in 605 showed that Babylonian

supremacy was ultimately inevitable; to this year belongs ch. xxv.,

in which Jeremiah definitely announces the duration of the exile as

seventy years. Many lands beside Judah would be included in the

doom, and finally Babylon itself would be punished.

Chs. i.-xxv. represent in the main the words of Jeremiah; we now

come to a group of narratives by Baruch, xxvi.-xxix. Ch. xxvi.

relates how a courageous sermon of Jeremiah's (608 B.C.) provoked

the hostility of the professional clergy, and nearly cost him his

life. Chs. xxvii.-xxix. show how the calm wisdom of Jeremiah met the

ambitions and hopes cherished by his countrymen at home and in exile

during the reign of Zedekiah.[1] In view of a coalition that was

forming against Babylon in Western Asia, he announces that the

supremacy of Nebuchadrezzar is divinely ordained, and any such

coalition is doomed to failure (xxvii.). That supremacy wil last

for many a day; and a strange fate overtakes the shal ow prophet who

supposes that it will be over in two years (xxvii .). The exiles are

therefore advised by Jeremiah in a letter to settle down contentedly

in their adopted land, though the letter natural y rouses the

resentment and opposition of the superficial prophets among the

exiles (xxix.).

[Footnote 1: In ch. xxvi . 1, for "Jehoiakim" read "Zedekiah," cf.

_vv_. 3, 12. ]

The next four chapters, xxx.-xxxi i., are ful of promise: they look

out upon the restoration, in which, despite the seeming hopelessness

of the prospect, Jeremiah never ceased to believe. It is a voice

from the dark days of the siege of Jerusalem, 587 (xxxi . 1ff.); but

the present sorrow is to be fol owed by a period of joy, when the

city wil be rebuilt, and the mighty love of Jehovah wil express

itself in the restoration not only of Judah but of Israel, a love to

which there wil be a glad spontaneous response from men who have

the divine law written in their hearts. This prophecy of the new

covenant is one of the noblest and most daring conceptions in the

Old Testament, very naturally appropriated by our Lord and the

author of the Epistle to the Hebrews (xxx., xxxi.). So confident was

Jeremiah in the divine assurance that Palestine would one day be

freed from the Babylonian yoke that, even during the siege of the