BOOK TWO
9
After Nehru’s China war, the Indian Foreign Office had created an East Asia Research and Coordination Division under the aegis of Dr. Sumal Sinha, once a Chinese knowing Professor in Shanghai University and then a Director in External Affairs. I was one of the four persons recruited through Union Public Service Commission and entrusted as a sinologist specialising on guerilla warfare. After the India-Pakistan war of 1965, cropped up the Rann of Kutch Case which was entrusted to an International Tribunal, under U.N. auspices, to arbitrate on the issue, with justice Jaggergren as Chairman, and two members one each from India (Justice of Yugoslavia) and one from Pakistan, (Mr. Nasrolla Entezam from Iran). Since, I could read Urdu very well (being the first language read at School), I was drafted to Rann of Kutch delegation. Thereafter, through Inter alia records of the Salt Department available in National Archives of India. I too looked through records available at our Mission in Karachi and our Consulates in Lahore and in Dhaka. Thereafter, I was deputed to go through the records available in Indian Office Library in London. It was during this period I had a look at records concerning the Sikhs, also. I was a member of the Deputation to International Tribunal at Geneva, in 1967. On return, I was entrusted to write a work on Pakistan’s Foreign Policy, this was later published in a book form by Asia Publishing House, published in Bombay, London and New York, 1970, a pirated edition was published in Pakistan in 1970s. This placed me as a renowned expert on Pakistan.
Meanwhile, East Asia Research and Co-ordination Division was transformed into a Policy Planning and Review Division, with Jagat Singh Mehta, of Indian Foreign Service, an intellectual, as Joint Secretary. As a member of that Division, when K.R. Narayanan, was Joint Secretary (who later became President of India), I put up a paper around December 22, 1970, a week after general elections in Pakistan. I had analysed that Pakistan was breaking up with a mass scale massacre of the people in the then East Pakistan and possibly a war with India. Of the 14 studies made by various set ups, mine was the only study which had made such a projection. This was despite my Joint Secretary (K.R. Narayanan) disagreeing with my analysis. It made no difference, my papers had the normal circulation to relevant sectors.
The issue arose up about the Islamic Summit Conference of Organisation of Islamic Countries held in Morocco in September 1969: it was attended by S. Gurbachan Singh, India’s Ambassador in Morroco. He attended the summit on the opening day. Yahya Khan from Karachi got an equivalent message from his sources at Karachi that if Gurbachan Singh attends the next day’s Conference, on arrival at Karachi his throat will be split. Gurbachan Singh was chucked off from the conference. This represented a furore in the Indian media. The Indian Foreign Office decided to have an analysis as to where did India go in the wrong. This was a work for West Asia and North Africa (WANA) Division. But no one of the IFS (Indian Foreign Service) officer was willing to sacrifice his head; they decided to give it to me in February 1970 for an analysis of the situation. I was shown all the secret and top secret communications, and told that I will not mention about telephonic communications but only go by what is written therein.
I analysed the situation very quickly, and came to a definite conclusions. It emerged that Vice Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University was per chance, to be present in Rabat, and it was he who was to attend the Islamic Conferece. It occured to Indira Gandhi’s Minister for Power Farkruddhin Ali Ahmad who was to attend the Islamic Conference. Obviously, at the instance of Indira Gandhi, Foreign Secretary, Tikki (Triloki Nath) Kaul, put up a paper without making any mention about what was available from the files, suggesting Farkhruddin Ali Ahmad to be Indian nominee to attend the Rabat Conference. In the absence of earlier understanding, Vice Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University withdrew. I felt that when Foreign Secretary suggested about Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed; he should have asked the Aligarh University’s Vice Chancellor to be available at Rabat to give laurals to Indian Muslim presence. I felt, Vice Chancellor, Aligarh Muslim University, would not have objected to senior position of Farkhurddin Ali Ahmed. As it actually happened, Farkhruddin Ali Ahmad fell on the day of his departure in the bathroom and was not in a position to move. In the circumstances, Gurbachan Singh had no option but to attend the Islamic Conference on the opening day.
I had fixed the responsibility squarely at Tikki Kaul, our Foreign Secretary, for the lapse. Since, I was going to New Zealand and Australia, on U.N. Human Rights Fellowship, I delayed putting up my papers, for another fortnight, till March 31, 1971.
I reached New Zealand for a study on Social Security and Labour Welfare in New Zealand. I found situation in New Zealand quite different later what I found in Australia. Australia, to begin with, was a criminal centre. New Zealanders were a very much polished people, and spoke fluent English as it is written. They were suprised at the flowing language of my English, and appreciated me. Similarly, the Maoris were a different type of people, belonging to the broad spectrum of people in the Pacific Ocean Islands including Hawaii. They were quite different from aborginies in Australia.
I had a very nice time in New Zealand. I was to finish my report for submission to the New Zealanders in 30 days, and I did that well in time. I gave them a couple of suggestions and they immediately conceded correctness of my reading.
When I reached Australia in May 1971, I had to face two problems. Whereas New Zealand was a single unit, Australia was divided into six states, and had to overcome that; secondly, I had to still overcome my, so called, medical problems.
When I was asking for Visa on UN assignment, as per Australian High Commission, I sent them, duly authenticated my Chest X-rays, with Wellington Hospital, New Delhi, Doctor’s reports. They had another round when my doctors at Wellington told me there was no problem with my Chest. However, he suggested to me to have an X-ray from Jessa Ram Hospital; their machines may be better. He endorsed those X-rays to Australian authorities. The Australian High Commission said they have been told by Australian authorities, that I shall have to report myself to them for further Chest check ups. So I got a visa on that condition. On arrival at Sydney, I was told that I would start from the next day from Melbourne.
On arrival at Melbourne, on the very first day I was deputed to a No.2 person in the Australian Health authorities. We were just talking when someone stepped in. He introduced me, saying here is a Minister of Health, and gave my introduction too. We had a very hearty talk. This made me to understand that the Australian people are very formal, and open hearted people. This made me talk to him that I wanted a Chest X-ray; he said there is no problem, “You go two streets down, you will find Sister Stella, and she will do your X-ray”. So, the next morning, I approached Sister Stella, and she sent me at my hotel where I was staying, a small printed card, written NAD, NAD, NAD, i.e. nothing abnormal detected.
I had done my work at the Health Ministry, and was working on Labour Ministry. They were a very nice people. Actually, whereever I went, I found the people very congenials and friendly. After about another five days, I was told by a lady from Australian Foreign Office who was overall in charge of my project, that I had committed to submit to Australian Health Authorities about my Chest X-ray, and she advised me since I was going to Canberra, I should do so there. I told her that frankly there is nothing wrong with my Chest, I already have got a Certificate from one of your Health Authorities, what you are doing is simply an harrassment for an Asian. I told her about my X-ray; she could refer me to Sister Stella. Thereafter, I faced no problem.
When I was still working on Australian Human Rights assignment a special unit was created in Pakistan Division under J.N. Dixit, as Director to look into the holocaust in East Pakistan. It was during this period they learnt about my work. Joint Secretary of Pakistan wanted to acquire me immediately, but was told that I was in Australia, and could be back in September. That to him seemed too long.
I submitted my reports to Australia to be sent to UN Human Rights Commission. Then, I started with my work with Australian National University, Canberra’s, Research School of Pacific Studies. I was working on Australian Foreign Policy. On return, Mr. Avtar Singh, Secretary, told me that my writing on Pakistan was one thing, but they cannot permit me to write on Australian Foreign Policy. If I criticise on the other party, they will have it: they knew that the Ministry of External Affairs had paid for my work. I had written two chapters, and to finish another three. Since, I have now been working on the Sikh history, I have forgotten writing anything about Australian Foreign Policy.
Indira Gandhi at Simla Conference on the night of July 1-2, 1972, lost her nerves and threw away the gains of 1970 war when she could not make Bhutto agree to make the ‘line of actual control’ as international borders on India-Pakistan. Bhutto straightaway started saying that even Prophet had to sign a type of Agreement that he had signed. It calls for another round. I had put on a paper to Joint Secretary, Pakistan saying that one year before the fall of Mecca, the Prophet found that his soldiers could be annihilated, so he agreed to a truce: the agreement was written by Ali, Prophet’s nephew and son-in-law, wherein he at the bottom of the agreement, wrote Mohammad Rasool Allah. The Meccans said that That is our contention that you are not a Rasool Allah. The Prophet understood the point, and with his own pen cut out the words Rasool Allah and signed the agreement. After a year the Prophet’s forces came and overwhelmed the Meccans. That was the point Bhutto was making to the people of Pakistan about his signing the Simla agreement, without conceding the cardinal point. My Joint Secretary (Pakistan) wanted me to withdraw the paper. I did not do so for three days. They did not want me to go back to Policy Planning and Review Division, and usher in this paper. Eventually, Mr. R.K. Kapur, a colleague and a friend wanted me to withdraw the paper and I did so.
Hithertoo, the Chiefs of Armed Forces Committee had control over the policy planning apparatus. It was now taken over from the Chiefs of Armed Forces Committee to the Cabinet Secretary, with a senior IAS Officer to head the new Joint Intelligence Committee, as the Supreme Policy Planning body, with heads of 7-8 Intelligence agencies, apart from a member from Foreign Office. I, consequently in 1972 became an Alternate Member of the Joint Intelligence Committee with a meeting once a week; one meeting in a month being held only by the Top Heirarchy. This made me to rub shoulders with a lot of persons from Intelligence set ups. Of course, R&AW was the principal actor in Indian foreign missions, but Intelligence Bureau had its primacy in internal affairs.
In early 1975, the Union Public Service Commission selected me as Director Joint Intelligence in Ministry of Defence. Before that, I had headed the very first 500 strong Jatha to Gurdwara Nankana Sahib (and was deputed to recieve two Pakistani groups at Sirhind and Kaliar Sharif, Roorkie district) in January and February in 1975. I told my Joint Secretary that I would like to go to Panja Sahib in April in 1975 and then join the Defence Ministry. The Jatha for Baisakhi constituted 2,000 persons. Apart from piligrims, there were people from Pakistani police and paratroopers for security, etc. As it happened, there was a Cat Strike at Lahore railway station. This made Bhutto to engage over 400 buses to transport people from Wagah to Panja Sahib. I was at the Borders looking after the welfare of the pilgrims. We were the six people sponsored by Ministry of External Affairs for visa, viz. myself, my wife and three children, and my uncle who had retired from Armed Forces Headquarters, at a very senior position.
On the suggestion of Pakistani’s concerning my security, we occupied three seats for us in a Bus. It was night when we started at Wagah. I suggested to Security Officer, I was feeling very tired, that if he permits, I could lie down on the top of the bus. He did so. We started from Wagah at sunset, crossed through Lahore, and reached Gujranwala. I found because of construction work, the two cities had become one. Moving further down, I found on my right Wazirabad, and I was now nearing Kharia where Pakistan had an underground Tanks field. By the time we crossed Ravi and Chenab, I looked at the bridges carefully. Our bus came to a halt. A Sepoy came up the top of the bus and said that this bus cannot move, unless I decide to come down. So I came down, and sat on my seat. My uncle said, how when other buses are moving on, our bus has put to a halt? I told him that these Security Personnel don’t want me to have full view of the Kharia Underground Base. So we moved on, and after some time I had a sleep. I by now had crossed Jhelum, and reached Gujar Khan when I woke up. It was not long that we reached Panja Sahib.
One thing I noticed was that Pakistani side had a very good roads set up, four lanes, with appropriate bridges. At Punja Sahib, we were invited for the evening reception hosted by their Transport Minister. I spoke to him very highly of their roads, and bridges. I said I had seen through the four-lane new Bridge constructed at Chenab, but I had missed through the Jhelum. He said they have constructed four lane road from Lahore to Peshawar; they had widened new bridges at all the roads, including Jhelum and Indus. I had seen the type of road from Wagah to Lahore: I asked him what was about Landi Kotal where I said my father had contracts to supply meat to the British garrison in 1930s. He was delighted at listening to Landi Kotal and that I was well versed with the area. He said they had constructed the extended road from Peshawar to Landi Kotal too. During the British times, Landi Kotal, the last point in India, had a large No Man’s Land, which was not the part of British Empire, nor of Afganistan. This was kept aloof, away from Kabul. Bhutto in 1971s started his forward policy, to extend area into No Man’s Land. The No Man’s land had a large element of Sikhs carrying on their business and living peacefully. Because of Pakistan’s forward policy, some of the Sikh families were moved over to Nankana Sahib. I had visited them last in early 1970s.
On return to Pakistan, I joined in May 1975 as Director, Joint Intelligence in Ministry of Defence, which already had three intelligence agencies, namely, Directorate of Military, Air, and Naval Intelligences. I paid a courtesy call on Director, Military Intelligence, headed by Maj. Gen. S.K. Sinha. I asked him what he thought of threat from Pakistan? He said, the forces from Kharian Underground Base will take two days to reach Wagah; his intelligence sources tell him that they will costruct a new bridge at Chenab only in 1977. I told him that I had personally traveled by the road a month back, and I have travelled through the new bridge with four line road, as against 18 feet road available earlier. I told him the whole story, my talks with the Pakistani’s Transport Minister. He wanted me to send him a note; I immediately sent a paper. I spoke to him ten days later. He said that now, their assessment was Pakistan could attack India within four hours: hence, they have entrusted their Pathankot Air Base to look at the Kharian Base late at night. That was result of my contribution. I thought, what type of intelligence agencies do we have? I have IB, R&AW, and Air Force Intelligence, apart from some others.
After two years, Ministry of Defence wanted to confirm me. I told them that theirs were a lousy organisation, and I would not like to continue there. They took a lot of time to release me.
On return in January 1978, I spoke to my people that I had had enough of Pakistan, and I wanted to do something different. They said, they had opened a Desk on Iran and I should go into what was going on there.
I accepted Iran as a challenge. I went through the top secret in secret papers, but I thought it was not sufficient. USA had a very close relationship with Iran, and Americans ahd produced a high level of works on multiple aspects of Iran’s rich facet of life. There were multiple journalists and magazines. Since I could read 100 pages, with understanding in an hour, I went through a lot of literature. In six months, I produced a voluminous work on the current situation in Iran. I came to the conclusion in August 1978 that Shah of Iran was being overthrown by the religious hierarchy led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. My analysis was accepted by the Foreign Secretary, Jagat Singh Mehta, (of Rajasthan). By the time, Ayatollah Khomeini had shifted to Paris. In course of time, two eminent personalities and our Joint Secretary travelled by different flights and stayed at diverse hotels. Under top secret instructions to the Indian Ambassador, they were put into three different cars to converge at the place where Ayatollah Khomeini was staying. They conveyed him Government of India’s well wishes &, and left his place separately. This was a well kept secret.
Ayatollah Khemini arrived from France on February,1 1979, (meanwhile Shah of Iran had left on January 17, 1979). My Joint Secretary said that he had been able to trace a person who was a student of Ayatollah Khomeini at Qom in good old days; the point was how to get him a Visa. This was around February 7/8, 1979. I told the Iranian Counsellor that some one had got a message of serious condition for his relative: he said “I will give him a Visa”. As instructed, visa was issued to him. The next day the person came to see me and my Joint Secretary also came over to see me when we handed him the money from the secret funds for his expenses. To cut long story short, he was a success in reaching Qom and did the work enterested to him.
Meanwhile, Ayatollah Khomeini appointed a Prime Minister on February 11, 1979, and the government set up by Shah collapsed. The revolution was a success. It was Sunday, February 11, 1979, Prime Minister Morarji Desai was in Andaman & Nicobar Islands, and Foreign Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, alongwith Foreign Secretary, Jagat S. Mehta were in Peking. Joint Secretary and I were in his office. Senior Bajpayee was a Secretary, and after a lot of time he came over from his home and soon got together in Joint Secretary’s office. I was kept out of the conversation. The two sat together, produced one, two, three, four and eventually five drafts. He was a synic: the draft was eventually approved. When the Joint Secretary showed me the draft, I straightaway disapproved it. I said, I knew that Shah of Iran had been of use to us in context of Pakistani antics at Islamic Conferences, etc., but now he has been overthrown, we should send a speaking message of our goodwill. Joint Secretary too thought of the same thing. He now took up the courage and rang up at Peking and discussed the issue with Jagat Mehta, he also mentioned of me. So we upturned the message approved by Bajpayee. We prepared another message. It was this message what was eventually sent to Khomeini.
I had a chance meeting with Atal Behari Vajpayee in the first floor corridor in South Block near Foreign Minister’s office. I had never met Atal Behari Vajpayee and I think his security personnel must have identified me. As we faced each other, he raised his arm and held me in close embrace; he said that “I had produced a remarkable paper on Iran. Congratulations.”
It was not common for recepients to respond to papers written. One Indian Ambassador wrote asking, “Why does Dr. Sangat Singh want Shah of Iran to be overthrown?” My answer was that I don’t want him to be overthrown, what I have written is what I am foreseeing. And for foreseeing, I had always shown a higher echelon that caused heartburn as we shall see.
After the event a Counsellor at US Embassy in Sri Lanka, told our Counsellor there that there were only two Foreign Offices which had correct appreciation of events: one was French Foreign Office and the other was Indian Foreign Office.
Here was the case for Bharat Ratna, barred by Morarji Desai, a true Gandhian. i.e. a fraudulent character. For himself, he accepted Pakistan’s highest award, Nishan-i-Pakistan, which also carried a cash award of Rs. one lakh. One can legitimately ask, what for was this award? The Americans had asked for permissions to overfly and also refuel the American Air Force aircraft to bombad to smithereens Pakistan’s Kahuta nuclear plant project. Morarji Desai refused. But he accepted the award from Pakistan. Poor Sangat Singh got nothing, not even a two line letter that I had beaten both CIA and KGB, the premier intelligence agencies of the two super powers in my analysis not to talk of our R&AW.
A Diplomat from Japanese Embassy saw me and wanted me to move the Filipinos to grant me Magsaysay Award. Keeping in view the Indian Secret’s Act, and a fact that I was a technocrat and not from Indian Foreign Office, I dissuaded him from the idea. Later, I learnt the photocopies of my papers had come to the hands of numerous intelligence agencies and almost all the governments. An Indian Foreign Service probationer allotted Persian Language, was also issued one. He went to Tehran and occupied the accommodation vacated by a senior officer. After a few days he was shifted to a proper accomodation for third secretary, and in the process he left behind the paper. The owner delivered it to the Iranian Foreign Office. They made a photocopy of it, and gave back the original paper to the Indian Ambassador. A Counsellor in Tehran told me that they were surprised to see after the event correctly analysing the Iranian imbroglie as if it was written after the event.
In June 1980, there was a top secret meeting convened by a new Foreign Secretary. He was from Gujarat. The invitees were two senior relevant professors from the Jawaharlal Nehru University, three top journalists, and Shri K. Subrahamanayam, from Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis. A Senior Officer took me along with him. I asked him if I had to take minutes of the meeting. He said, No; you just listen. The Foreign Secretary posted the problem. The two Professors from JNU, one after the other, spoke for some time, and endorsed the proposition. Then came the turn of three journalists, and all the three of them did the same thing, and spoke positively. The last to come was K. Subrahmanyam who too supported the proposition. Foreign Secretary’s loop went up. Then, Foreign Secretary turned to me and wanted me to express my opinion. I demolished in three minutes what all these six luminaries had suggested, and gave my reasons. On the face of it, I said it was an impossible and improbable proposition. Then tea was served to all of us and simultaneously started second round. Foreign Secretary asked two Professors of JNU one by one, both of them turned back their propositions and supported me. Then came the turn of three journalists. All went back what they had earlier said, and supported what I had submitted. Last came K. Subrahamanayam, Director for Institute of Defence Studies and Analysis. He too backed out, and said that what Dr. Sangat Singh had said was absolutely correct. All the six people were paid through envelope from secret fund, but I got nothing of it was the proposition made by me that was found ultimately suitable. Foreign Secretary’s face faded. Foreign Secretary thought that a junior officer normally does not speak or make blah blah. I thought they were asking for my honest opinion. And so I spoke. It cost me heavily.
Nonetheless, Foreign Secretary told R&AW to go ahead with the project. In another four months it ended in a fiasco. By the time Iran-Iraq war had started over Shatt-al-Arab; a Committee consisting of non-aligned Foreign Ministers, Foreign Minister, Malmierca of Cuba as Chairman and Ministers of India and Yugoslovakia were members. This made me as head of Iran desk to frequently see Foreign Secretary. He chose an IFS Officer dealing with Iraq. I was kept away from Non-aligned Foreign Ministers get-together. Though I was made to work hard to prepare papers for non-aligned Foreign Ministers, my new Joint Secretary said, Sangat; refuse to write papers if you are not interested in the work.” But I went on. Foreign Secretary could not overcome my forthrightly expressing my opinion whenever I saw him. The rebuff India had got weighed heavily on him. He could not bear how a technocraft had a superior and explicit perception vis a vis IFS officers. He, therefore, issued orders in 1981 to abolish our cadre. Since our cadre had an identity with the persons from a long lasting Historical Division, that also stood abolished. They took a decision that once an incumbent retires, his post will be merged with the IFS. The existing persons will be given postings, to keep them away.
Jawaharlal Nehru got shoe-beating at the hands of Chinese in 1962, and as a result our Division was created in 1963 to do something different. Now a Gujarati had decided to abolish it, 18 years later despite my extra perceptory vision. It was beyond his comprehension.
From January 1978 to April 1982, I had paid seven more visits to Pakistan. It was well known that there was continuous smuggling activitiy, on both sides of the borders. Punjab Police, BSF, CRPF, and some other sections regularly participated in smuggling. With Indira Gandhi’s induction of drugs in Pakistan, the trade gap widened, but induction of lot of items from India the trade gap widened. This led to induction of a series of Goldsmiths at the Gurdaspur borders, which provided an easy access to both sides.
After migration of Hindus and Sikhs from West Punjab, only two Sikh families remained in Punjab. One family from Talah Gang lost its identity early in 1970s. The other family had three young children, two young men and one young daughter, in full Sikh shape in various ages in 20s, and were on regular visits to Lahore and Nanakana Sahib. They expected marriage proposals, but there were no offers for girls from India for marriage to a Sikh in Pakistan, and accept a Sikh girl from Pakistan. I saw them last in 1979 and 1980, but did not see them in 1981 onwards. This indicates they must have converted themselves to Islam.
There were 200 Hindus and Sikhs who chose to remain in North West Frontier Province and there were about 150 similar people in No Man’s Land. Almost all Hindus chose to convert themselves to Sikhism because it gave them a big image.{20} In Tirah area across Landikotal, the last point on the border, was one Dr. Mohar Singh, who had a good practice in medicines. He contacted me at Lahore, during June 1980, and mentioned that his son had qualified Inter at Karachi University, with Physics, Chemistry and Biology with approximately 55% marks in each subject; he wanted me to get him admission into MBBS. I told him that it was not possible for a man with such a low scoring to get into any Medical Institute. However, I suggested to him one solution: to approach Abdul Ghaffar Khan known as Badshah Khan, who could send a letter through his nephew to Indira Gandhi, to give his son a seat in MBBS. Dr. Mohar Singh acted soon. He was already on lookout to sell off his property and came over to Rajouri Garden, New Delhi. The letter reached Indira Gandhi, and instructions were passed on to me (as I was in charge of 11 medical seats- 6 for Iran, 3 for Afghanistan and two for Pakistan). I gave him a seat and he was admitted in October 1980 to Medical College at Amritsar.{21}
In 1981, when I visited Nankana Sahib in October-November, I found there were about 125 Sikh families that had shifted from No-Man’s Land and NWFP at Nankana Sahib. Obviously, Pakistani armed forces had annexed the No-Man’s Land, obviously because Soviet’s had occupied Afghansitan.
After Nankana Sahib, we left for Punja Sahib. There I met Mr. I.H. (Ishtihaq Hussain) Qureshi, who had topped our school at Matriculation (and his name was mentioned at the Scroll). He was a Duty Magistrate at Punja Sahib. We were together in the school hostel. He said, Sangat take a police jeep and go over to your school.{22} I was looking for my wife and children, and they were, I was told out on shopping. I told Mr. Qureshi that it was now getting late, next time when I visit, I will avail of the offer. I was at Punja Sahib for Baisakhi, April 1982. I had got clearance from my Joint Secretary for visiting my village. I told the Security people who looked after me, that this time my wife and children had not come, and I was accompanied only by my mother. I would like to visit our Village; he was aware of the offer made by Mr. Qureshi, who I was told would be soon on duty. I told them we shall take a taxi. He said, then there will be two persons from their side, one from police and another from security. I told the Halwai to prepare two very big baskets of Ladoos, for distribution at the village school next morning. My mother said, that if I should take over those Ladoos in the evening, Halwai might give me some concession. I cautioned her that if they say that there was some ‘poison’, I will have it. So the next morning, we alongwith the two persons from security and police were at the Halwai shop who was ready for the very big baskets of Ladoos; I made the balance payment and we started.
I found the general upkeep of roads in Pakistan was excellent. Our school, a distance of 10 kms was a kachha road with last two kms. consisting of ravines which were narrow. Now the entire road had been asphalted and duly broadened where needed. On reaching School, now a middle school, Headmasters met me accompanied by two security personnel representing the authority. Soon the Teachers got together and they collected the entire school to introduce me, as one who was a product of that School. I spoke to them how our Class was to be small, 15-20 students. The main emphasis was on Kitab-Muraqa-Adab Part I, II, III, IV, and Arith