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CHAPTER I

I

V i t a A c t i v a A N D T H E

HUMAN C O N D I T I O N

With the term vita activa, I propose to designate three fundamental

human activities: labor, work, and action. They are fundamental

because each corresponds to one of the basic conditions under

which life on earth has been given to man.

Labor is the activity which corresponds to the biological process

of the human body, whose spontaneous growth, metabolism, and

eventual decay are bound to the vital necessities produced and fed

into the life process by labor. The human condition of labor is life

itself.

Work is the activity which corresponds to the unnaturalness of

human existence, which is not imbedded in, and whose mortality

is not compensated by, the species' ever-recurring life cycle. Work

provides an "artificial" world of things, distinctly different from

all natural surroundings. Within its borders each individual life is

housed, while this world itself is meant to outlast and transcend

them all. The human condition of work is worldliness.

Action, the only activity that goes on directly between men

without the intermediary of things or matter, corresponds to the

human condition of plurality, to the fact that men, not Man, live

on the earth and inhabit the world. While all aspects of the hu-

man condition are somehow related to politics, this plurality is

specifically the condition-—not only the conditio sine qua non, but the conditio per quam—of all political life. Thus the language of the

Romans, perhaps the most political people we have known, used

the words "to live" and "to be among men" {inter homines esse)

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The Human Condition

or "to die" and "to cease to be among men" {inter homines esse de-sinere) as synonyms. But in its most elementary form, the human

condition of action is implicit even in Genesis ("Male and female

created He them"), if we understand that this story of man's crea-

tion is distinguished in principle from the one according to which

God originally created Man (adam), "him" and not "them," so that the multitude of human beings becomes the result of multiplication.1 Action would be an unnecessary luxury, a capricious in-

terference with general laws of behavior, if men were endlessly

reproducible repetitions of the same model, whose nature or es-

sence was the same for all and as predictable as the nature or

essence of any other thing. Plurality is the condition of human

action because we are all the same, that is, human, in such a way

that nobody is ever the same as anyone else who ever lived, lives,

or will live.

All three activities and their corresponding conditions are inti-

mately connected with the most general condition of human exist-

ence: birth and death, natality and mortality. Labor assures not

only individual survival, but the life of the species. Work and its

product, the human artifact, bestow a measure of permanence and

durability upon the futility of mortal life and the fleeting character

of human time. Action, in so far as it engages in founding and pre-

1. In the analysis of postclassical political thought, it is often quite illuminat-

ing to find out which of the two biblical versions of the creation story is cited.

Thus it is highly characteristic of the difference between the teaching of Jesus

of Nazareth and of Paul that Jesus, discussing the relationship between man and

wife, refers to Genesis 1:27: "Have ye not read, that he which made them at the beginning made them male and female" (Matt. 19:4), whereas Paul on a similar

occasion insists that the woman was created "of the man" and hence "for the man," even though he then somewhat attenuates the dependence: "neither is the man without the woman, neither the woman without the man" (I Cor. 11:8-12).

The difference indicates much more than a different attitude to the role of woman.

For Jesus, faith was closely related to action (cf. § 3 3 below); for Paul, faith was primarily related to salvation. Especially interesting in this respect is Augustine

(De chitate Dei xii. 21), who not only ignores Genesis 1:27 altogether but sees the difference between man and animal in that man was created umtm ac singu-lum, whereas all animals were ordered "to come into being several at once"

(plum simul iussit exsistere). To Augustine, the creation story offers a welcome opportunity to stress the species character of animal life as distinguished from the singularity of human existence.

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The Human Condition

serving political bodies, creates the condition for remembrance,

that is, for history. Labor and work, as well as action, are also

rooted in natality in so far as they have the task to provide and pre-

serve the world for, to foresee and reckon with, the constant in-

flux of newcomers who are born into the world as strangers. How-

ever, of the three, action has the closest connection with the hu-

man condition of natality; the new beginning inherent in birth can

make itself felt in the world only because the newcomer possesses

the capacity of beginning something anew, that is, of acting. In

this sense of initiative, an element of action, and therefore of

natality, is inherent in all human activities. Moreover, since action

is the political activity par excellence, natality, and not mortality,

may be the central category of political, as distinguished from

metaphysical, thought.

The human condition comprehends more than the conditions

under which life has been given to man. Men are conditioned

beings because everything they come in contact with turns imme-

diately into a condition of their existence. The world in which the

vita activa spends itself consists of things produced by human ac-

tivities; but the things that owe their existence exclusively to men

nevertheless constantly condition their human makers. In addition

to the conditions under which life is given to man on earth, and

partly out of them, men constantly create their own, self-made

conditions, which, their human origin and their variability not-

withstanding, possess the same conditioning power as natural

things. Whatever touches or enters into a sustained relationship

with human life immediately assumes the character of a condition

of human existence. This is why men, no matter what they do, are

always conditioned beings. Whatever enters the human world of

its own accord or is drawn into it by human effort becomes part

of the human condition. The impact of the world's reality upon

human existence is felt and received as a conditioning force. The

objectivity of the world—its object- or thing-character—and the

human condition supplement each other; because human existence

is conditioned existence, it would be impossible without things,

and things would be a heap of unrelated articles, a non-world, if

they were not the conditioners of human existence.

To avoid misunderstanding: the human condition is not the

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The Human Condition

same as human nature, and the sum total of human activities and

capabilities which correspond to the human condition does not con-

stitute anything like human nature. For neither those we discuss

here nor those we leave out, like thought and reason, and not even

the most meticulous enumeration of them all, constitute essential

characteristics of human existence in the sense that without them

this existence would no longer be human. The most radical change

in the human condition we can imagine would be an emigration of

men from the earth to some other planet. Such an event, no longer

totally impossible, would imply that man would have to live under

man-made conditions, radically different from those the earth

offers him. Neither labor nor work nor action nor, indeed, thought

as we know it would then make sense any longer. Yet even these

hypothetical wanderers from the earth would still be human; but

the only statement we could make regarding their "nature" is that

they still are conditioned beings, even though their condition is

now self-made to a considerable extent.

The problem of human nature, the Augustinian quaestio mihi

factus sum ("a question have I become for myself), seems un-

answerable in both its individual psychological sense and its gen-

eral philosophical sense. It is highly unlikely that we, who can

know, determine, and define the natural essences of all things sur-

rounding us, which we are not, should ever be able to do the same

for ourselves—this would be like jumping over our own shadows.

Moreover, nothing entitles us to assume that man has a nature or

essence in the same sense as other things. In other words, if we

have a nature or essence, then surely only a god could know and

define it, and the first prerequisite would be that he be able to

speak about a "who" as though it were a "what."2 The perplexity

2. Augustine, who is usually credited with having been the first to raise the

so-called anthropological question in philosophy, knew this quite well. He dis-

tinguishes between the questions of "Who am I?" and "What am I?" the first being directed by man at himself ("And I directed myself at myself and said to

me: You, who are you? And I answered: A man"— tu, quis es? [Confessiones x. 6]) and the second being addressed to God ("What then am I, my God? What is

my nature?"— Quid ergo sum, Deus meus? Quae natura mm? [x. 17]). For in the

"great mystery," the grandeprofundum, which man is (iv. 14), there is "something of man [aliquid hominis] which the spirit of man which is in him itself r i o i

The Human Condition

is that the modes of human cognition applicable to things with

"natural" qualities, including ourselves to the limited extent that

we are specimens of the most highly developed species of organic

life, fail us when we raise the question: And who are we? This is

why attempts to define human nature almost invariably end with

some construction of a deity, that is, with the god of the philoso-

phers, who, since Plato, has revealed himself upon closer inspec-

tion to be a kind of Platonic idea of man. Of course, to demask such

philosophic concepts of the divine as conceptualizations of human

capabilities and qualities is not a demonstration of, "not even an

argument for, the non-existence of God; but the fact that attempts

to define the nature of man lead so easily into an idea which defi-

nitely strikes us as "superhuman" and therefore is identified with

the divine may cast suspicion upon the very concept of "human

nature."

On the other hand, the conditions of human existence—life it-

self, natality and mortality, worldliness, plurality, and the earth-

can never "explain" what we are or answer the question of who

we are for the simple reason that they never condition us absolute-

ly. This has always been the opinion of philosophy, in distinction

from the sciences—anthropology, psychology, biology, etc.—

which also concern themselves with man. But today we may al-

most say that we have demonstrated even scientifically that,

though we live now, and probably always will, under the earth's

conditions, we are not mere earth-bound creatures. Modern nat-

ural science owes its great triumphs to having looked upon and

treated earth-bound nature from a truly universal viewpoint, that

is, from an Archimedean standpoint taken, wilfully and explicitly,

outside the earth.

knoweth not. But Thou, Lord, who has made him [fecisti mm] knowest every-

thing of him [eius omnia]" (x. 5). Thus, the most familiar of these phrases which I quoted in the text, the quaestw mihi factus sum, is a question raised in the presence of God, "in whose eyes I have become a question for myself" (x. 33). In brief, the answer to the question "Who am I?" is simply: "You are a man—

whatever that may be"; and the answer to the question "What am I?" can be given only by God who made man. The question about the nature of man is no

less a theological question than the question about the jnature of God; both can

be settled only within the framework of a divinely revealed answer.

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The Human Condition

T H E T E R M V i t a A c t i v a

The term vita activa is loaded and overloaded with tradition. It is

as old as (but not older than) our tradition of political thought.

And this tradition, far from comprehending and conceptualizing

all the political experiences of Western mankind, grew out of a

specific historical constellation: the trial of Socrates and the con-

flict between the philosopher and the polls. It eliminated many ex-

periences of an earlier past that were irrelevant to its immediate

political purposes and proceeded until its end, in the work of Karl

Marx, in a highly selective manner. The term itself, in medieval

philosophy the standard translation of the Aristotelian bios politi-

kos, already occurs in Augustine, where, as vita negotiosa or actuosa, it still reflects its original meaning: a life devoted to public-political

matters.3

Aristotle distinguished three ways of life (b'xo'i) which men

might choose in freedom, that is, in full independence of the neces-

sities of life and the relationships they originated. This prerequisite

of freedom ruled out all ways of life chiefly devoted to keeping

one's self alive—not only labor, which was the way of life of the

slave, who was coerced by the necessity to stay alive and by the

rule of his master, but also the working life of the free craftsman

and the acquisitive life of the merchant. In short, it excluded every-

body who involuntarily or voluntarily, for his whole life or tem-

porarily, had lost the free disposition of his movements and ac-

tivities.4 The remaining three ways of life have in common that

3. See Augustine De civitate Dei xix. 2, 19.

4. William L. Westermann ("Between Slavery and Freedom," American

Historical Review, Vol. L (.1945]) holds that the "statement of Aristotle . . . that craftsmen live in a condition of limited slavery meant that the artisan, when he

made a work contract, disposed of two of the four elements of his free status

[viz., of freedom of economic activity and right of unrestricted movement], but

by his own volition and for a temporary period"; evidence quoted by Wester-

mann shows that freedom was then understood to consist of "status, personal in-

violability, freedom of economic activity, right of unrestricted movement," and slavery consequently "was the lack of these four attributes." Aristotle, in his enumeration of "ways of life" in the Nicomachean Ethics (i. 5) and the Eudemim Ethics (1215a35 ff.), does not even mention a craftsman's way of life; to him it

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The Human Condition

they were concerned with the "beautiful," that is, with things

neither necessary nor merely useful: the life of enjoying bodily

pleasures in which the beautiful, as it is given, is consumed;

the life devoted to the matters of the polls, in which excellence pro-

duces beautiful deeds; and the life of the philosopher devoted to

inquiry into, and contemplation of, things eternal, whose ever-

lasting beauty can neither be brought about through the producing

interference of man nor be changed through his consumption of

them.5

The chief difference between the Aristotelian and the later me-

dieval use of the term is that the bios folitikos denoted explicitly

only the realm of human affairs, stressing the action, praxis, needed

to establish and sustain it. Neither labor nor work was considered

to possess sufficient dignity to constitute a bios at all, an autono-

mous and authentically human way of life; since they served and

produced what was necessary and useful, they could not be free, in-

dependent of human needs and wants.6 That the political way of

life escaped this verdict is due to the Greek understanding of polls

life, which to them denoted a very special and freely chosen form

of political organization and by no means just any form of action

necessary to keep men together in an orderly fashion. Not that

the Greeks or Aristotle were ignorant of the fact that human life

always demands some form of political organization and that rul-

ing over subjects might constitute a distinct way of life; but the

despot's way of life, because it was "merely" a necessity, could

not be considered free and had no relationship with the bios

polltikos.'1

is obvious that a bcmausos is not free (cf. Politics 1337b5). He mentions, however,

"the life of money-making" and rejects it because it too is "undertaken under compulsion" (Nic. Eth, 1096a5). That the criterion is freedom is stressed in the Eudemian Ethics: he enumerates only those lives that are chosen ep' exousian.

5. For the opposition of the beautiful to the necessary and the useful see foli-

«Vsl333a3Off., 1332b32.

6. For the opposition of the free to the necessary and the useful see ibid.

1332b2.

7. See ibid. 1277b8 for the distinction between despotic rule and politics. For the argument that the life of the despot is not equal to the life of a free man because the former is concerned with "necessary dungs," see ibid. 1325a24.

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The Human Condition

With the disappearance of the ancient city-state—Augustine

seems to have been the last to know at least what it once meant

to be a citizen—the term vita activa lost its specifically political

meaning and denoted all kinds of active engagement in the things of

this world. To be sure, it does not follow that work and labor had

risen in the hierarchy of human activities and were now equal in

dignity with a life devoted to politics.8 It was, rather, the other

way round: action was now also reckoned among the necessities

of earthly life, so that contemplation (the bios theoutikos, trans-

lated into the vita contemplativa) was left as the only truly free way

of life.9

However, the enormous superiority of contemplation over ac-

tivity of any kind, action not excluded, is not Christian in origin.

We find it in Plato's political philosophy, where the whole Utopian

reorganization of polis life is not only directed by the superior in-

sight of the philosopher but has no aim other than to make possible

the philosopher's way of life. Aristotle's very articulation of the

different ways of life, in whose order the life of pleasure plays a

minor role, is clearly guided by the ideal of contemplation (theoria).

To the ancient freedom from the necessities of life and from com-

pulsion by others, the philosophers added freedom and surcease

from political activity (skhole),10 so that the later Christian claim

to be free from entanglement in worldly affairs, from all the busi-

8. On the widespread opinion that the modem estimate of labor is Christian

in origin, see below, § 44.

9. See Aquinas Summa theologica ii. 2. 179, esp. art. 2, where the vita activa arises out of the necessitas vitae praesentis, and Expositio in Psalmos 4S.3, where the body politic is assigned the task of finding all that is necessary for life: in dvitate oportet invenire omnia necessaria ad vitam.

10. The Greek word skhole, like the Latin otium, means primarily freedom from political activity and not simply leisure time, although both words are also used

to indicate freedom from labor and life's necessities. In any event, they always

indicate a condition free from worries and cares. An excellent description of the

everyday life of an ordinary Athenian citizen, who enjoys full freedom from

labor and work, can be found in Fustel de Coulanges, The Ancient City (Anchor ed.; 1956), pp. 334—36; it will convince everybody how time-consuming political activity was under the conditions of the city-state. One can easily guess how

full of worry this ordinary political life was if one remembers that Athenian law

did not permit remaining neutral and punished those who did not want to take

sides in factional strife with loss of citizenship.

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The Human Condition

ness of this world, was preceded by and originated in the philo-

sophic apolitia of late antiquity. What had been demanded only

by the few was now considered to be a right of all.

The term vita activa, comprehending all human activities and de-

fined from the viewpoint of the absolute quiet of contemplation,

therefore corresponds more closely to the Greek askholk ("un-

quiet"), with which Aristotle designated all activity, than to the

Greek bios politikos. As early as Aristotle the distinction between

quiet and unquiet, between an almost breathless abstention from

external physical movement and activity of every kind, is more

decisive than the distinction between the political and the theoreti-

cal way of life, because it can eventually be found within each of

the three ways of life. It is like the distinction between war and

peace: just as war takes place for the sake of peace, thus every

kind of activity, even the processes of mere thought, must cul-

minate in the absolute quiet of contemplation.11 Every movement,

the movements of body and soul as well as of speech and reason-

ing, must cease before truth. Truth, be it the ancient truth of Being

or the Christian truth of the living God, can reveal itself only in

complete human stillness.12

Traditionally and up to the beginning of the modern age, the

term vita activa never lost its negative connotation of "un-quiet,"

nec-otium, a-skholia. As such it remained intimately related to the

even more fundamental Greek distinction between things that are

by themselves whatever they are and things which owe their exist-

ence to man, between things that are physei and things that are

nomo. The primacy of contemplation over activity rests on the con-

viction that no work of human hands can equal in beauty and truth

the physical kosmos, which swings in itself in changeless eternity

without any interference or assistance from outside, from man or

god. This eternity discloses itself to mortal eyes only when all

human movements and activities are at perfect rest. Compared

with this attitude of quiet, all distinctions and articulations within

11. See Aristotle Politics 1333a3O—33. Aquinas defines contemplation as quies ab exterioribus motibus {Summa theologica ii. 2. 179. 1).

12. Aquinas stresses the stillness of the soul and recommends the vita activa

because it exhausts and therefore "quietens interior passions" and prepares for contemplation (Summa theologica