The People of the Abyss by Jack London - HTML preview

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CHAPTER XXI--THE PRECARIOUSNESS OF LIFE

I was talking with a very vindictive man. In his opinion, his wife had

wronged him and the law had wronged him. The merits and morals of the

case are immaterial. The meat of the matter is that she had obtained a

separation, and he was compelled to pay ten shillings each week for the

support of her and the five children. "But look you,"

said he to me,

"wot'll 'appen to 'er if I don't py up the ten shillings? S'posin', now,

just s'posin' a accident 'appens to me, so I cawn't work. S'posin' I get

a rupture, or the rheumatics, or the cholera. Wot's she goin' to do, eh?

Wot's she goin' to do?"

He shook his head sadly. "No 'ope for 'er. The best she cawn do is the

work'ouse, an' that's 'ell. An' if she don't go to the work'ouse, it'll

be a worse 'ell. Come along 'ith me an' I'll show you women sleepin' in

a passage, a dozen of 'em. An' I'll show you worse, wot she'll come to

if anythin' 'appens to me and the ten shillings."

The certitude of this man's forecast is worthy of consideration. He knew

conditions sufficiently to know the precariousness of his wife's grasp on

food and shelter. For her game was up when his working capacity was

impaired or destroyed. And when this state of affairs is looked at in

its larger aspect, the same will be found true of hundreds of thousands

and even millions of men and women living amicably together and

co-operating in the pursuit of food and shelter.

The figures are appalling: 1,800,000 people in London live on the poverty

line and below it, and 1,000,000 live with one week's wages between them

and pauperism. In all England and Wales, eighteen per cent. of the whole

population are driven to the parish for relief, and in London, according

to the statistics of the London County Council, twenty-one per cent. of

the whole population are driven to the parish for relief. Between being

driven to the parish for relief and being an out-and-out pauper there is

a great difference, yet London supports 123,000 paupers, quite a city of

folk in themselves. One in every four in London dies on public charity,

while 939 out of every 1000 in the United Kingdom die in poverty;

8,000,000 simply struggle on the ragged edge of starvation, and

20,000,000 more are not comfortable in the simple and clean sense of the

word.

It is interesting to go more into detail concerning the London people who

die on charity.

In 1886, and up to 1893, the percentage of pauperism to population was

less in London than in all England; but since 1893, and for every

succeeding year, the percentage of pauperism to population has been

greater in London than in all England. Yet, from the Registrar-General's

Report for 1886, the following figures are taken:-

Out of 81,951 deaths in London (1884):-

In workhouses 9,909

In hospitals 6,559

In lunatic asylums 278

Total in public refuges 16,746

Commenting on these figures, a Fabian writer says:

"Considering that

comparatively few of these are children, it is probable that one in every

three London adults will be driven into one of these refuges to die, and

the proportion in the case of the manual labour class must of course be

still larger."

These figures serve somewhat to indicate the proximity of the average

worker to pauperism. Various things make pauperism. An advertisement,

for instance, such as this, appearing in yesterday morning's paper:-

"Clerk wanted, with knowledge of shorthand, typewriting, and invoicing:

wages ten shillings ($2.50) a week. Apply by letter,"

&c.

And in to-day's paper I read of a clerk, thirty-five years of age and an

inmate of a London workhouse, brought before a magistrate for

non-performance of task. He claimed that he had done his various tasks

since he had been an inmate; but when the master set him to breaking

stones, his hands blistered, and he could not finish the task. He had

never been used to an implement heavier than a pen, he said. The

magistrate sentenced him and his blistered hands to seven days' hard

labour.

Old age, of course, makes pauperism. And then there is the accident, the

thing happening, the death or disablement of the husband, father, and

bread-winner. Here is a man, with a wife and three children, living on

the ticklish security of twenty shillings per week--and there are

hundreds of thousands of such families in London.

Perforce, to even half

exist, they must live up to the last penny of it, so that a week's wages

(one pound) is all that stands between this family and pauperism or

starvation. The thing happens, the father is struck down, and what then?

A mother with three children can do little or nothing.

Either she must

hand her children over to society as juvenile paupers, in order to be

free to do something adequate for herself, or she must go to the sweat-shops for work which she can perform in the vile den possible to her

reduced income. But with the sweat-shops, married women who eke out

their husband's earnings, and single women who have but themselves

miserably to support, determine the scale of wages. And this scale of

wages, so determined, is so low that the mother and her three children

can live only in positive beastliness and semi-starvation, till decay and

death end their suffering.

To show that this mother, with her three children to support, cannot

compete in the sweating industries, I instance from the current

newspapers the two following cases:-

A father indignantly writes that his daughter and a girl companion

receive 8.5d. per gross for making boxes. They made each day four gross.

Their expenses were 8d. for car fare, 2d. for stamps, 2.5d. for glue, and

1d. for string, so that all they earned between them was 1s. 9d., or a

daily wage each of 10.5d.

In the second ewe, before the Luton Guardians a few days ago, an old

woman of seventy-two appeared, asking for relief. "She was a straw-hat

maker, but had been compelled to give up the work owing to the price she

obtained for them--namely, 2.25d. each. For that price she had to

provide plait trimmings and make and finish the hats."

Yet this mother and her three children we are considering have done no

wrong that they should be so punished. They have not sinned. The thing

happened, that is all; the husband, father and bread-winner, was struck

down. There is no guarding against it. It is fortuitous. A family

stands so many chances of escaping the bottom of the Abyss, and so many

chances of falling plump down to it. The chance is reducible to cold,

pitiless figures, and a few of these figures will not be out of place.

Sir A. Forwood calculates that--

1 of every 1400 workmen is killed annually.

1 of every 2500 workmen is totally disabled.

1 of every 300 workmen is permanently partially disabled.

1 of every 8 workmen is temporarily disabled 3 or 4

weeks.

But these are only the accidents of industry. The high mortality of the

people who live in the Ghetto plays a terrible part.

The average age at

death among the people of the West End is fifty-five years; the average

age at death among the people of the East End is thirty years. That is

to say, the person in the West End has twice the chance for life that the

person has in the East End. Talk of war! The mortality in South Africa

and the Philippines fades away to insignificance. Here, in the heart of

peace, is where the blood is being shed; and here not even the civilised

rules of warfare obtain, for the women and children and babes in the arms

are killed just as ferociously as the men are killed.

War! In England,

every year, 500,000 men, women, and children, engaged in the various

industries, are killed and disabled, or are injured to disablement by

disease.

In the West End eighteen per cent. of the children die before five years

of age; in the East End fifty-five per cent. of the children die before

five years of age. And there are streets in London where out of every

one hundred children born in a year, fifty die during the next year; and

of the fifty that remain, twenty-five die before they are five years old.

Slaughter! Herod did not do quite so badly.

That industry causes greater havoc with human life than battle does no

better substantiation can be given than the following extract from a

recent report of the Liverpool Medical Officer, which is not applicable

to Liverpool alone:-

In many instances little if any sunlight could get to the courts, and

the atmosphere within the dwellings was always foul, owing largely to

the saturated condition of the walls and ceilings, which for so many

years had absorbed the exhalations of the occupants into their porous

material. Singular testimony to the absence of sunlight in these

courts was furnished by the action of the Parks and Gardens Committee,

who desired to brighten the homes of the poorest class by gifts of

growing flowers and window-boxes; but these gifts could not be made in

courts such as these, _as flowers and plants were susceptible to the

unwholesome surroundings, and would not live_.

Mr. George Haw has compiled the following table on the three St. George's

parishes (London parishes):-

Percentage of

Population Death-rate

Overcrowded per 1000

St. George's West 10 13.2

St. George's South 35 23.7

St. George's East 40 26.4

Then there are the "dangerous trades," in which countless workers are

employed. Their hold on life is indeed precarious--far, far more

precarious than the hold of the twentieth-century soldier on life. In

the linen trade, in the preparation of the flax, wet feet and wet clothes

cause an unusual amount of bronchitis, pneumonia, and severe rheumatism;

while in the carding and spinning departments the fine dust produces lung

disease in the majority of cases, and the woman who starts carding at

seventeen or eighteen begins to break up and go to pieces at thirty. The

chemical labourers, picked from the strongest and most splendidly-built

men to be found, live, on an average, less than forty-eight years.

Says Dr. Arlidge, of the potter's trade: "Potter's dust does not kill

suddenly, but settles, year after year, a little more firmly into the

lungs, until at length a case of plaster is formed.

Breathing becomes

more and more difficult and depressed, and finally ceases."

Steel dust, stone dust, clay dust, alkali dust, fluff dust, fibre

dust--all these things kill, and they are more deadly than machine-guns

and pom-poms. Worst of all is the lead dust in the white-lead trades.

Here is a description of the typical dissolution of a young, healthy,

well-developed girl who goes to work in a white-lead factory:-

Here, after a varying degree of exposure, she becomes anaemic. It may

be that her gums show a very faint blue line, or perchance her teeth

and gums are perfectly sound, and no blue line is discernible.

Coincidently with the anaemia she has been getting thinner, but so

gradually as scarcely to impress itself upon her or her friends.

Sickness, however, ensues, and headaches, growing in intensity, are

developed. These are frequently attended by obscuration of vision or

temporary blindness. Such a girl passes into what appears to her

friends and medical adviser as ordinary hysteria.

This gradually

deepens without warning, until she is suddenly seized with a

convulsion, beginning in one half of the face, then involving the arm,

next the leg of the same side of the body, until the convulsion,

violent and purely epileptic form in character, becomes universal.

This is attended by loss of consciousness, out of which she passes

into a series of convulsions, gradually increasing in severity, in one

of which she dies--or consciousness, partial or perfect, is regained,

either, it may be, for a few minutes, a few hours, or days, during

which violent headache is complained of, or she is delirious and

excited, as in acute mania, or dull and sullen as in melancholia, and

requires to be roused, when she is found wandering, and her speech is

somewhat imperfect. Without further warning, save that the pulse,

which has become soft, with nearly the normal number of beats, all at

once becomes low and hard; she is suddenly seized with another

convulsion, in which she dies, or passes into a state of coma from

which she never rallies. In another case the convulsions will

gradually subside, the headache disappears and the patient recovers,

only to find that she has completely lost her eyesight, a loss that

may be temporary or permanent.

And here are a few specific cases of white-lead poisoning:-

Charlotte Rafferty, a fine, well-grown young woman with a splendid

constitution--who had never had a day's illness in her life--became a

white-lead worker. Convulsions seized her at the foot of the ladder

in the works. Dr. Oliver examined her, found the blue line along her

gums, which shows that the system is under the influence of the lead.

He knew that the convulsions would shortly return.

They did so, and

she died.

Mary Ann Toler--a girl of seventeen, who had never had a fit in her

life--three times became ill, and had to leave off work in the

factory. Before she was nineteen she showed symptoms of lead

poisoning--had fits, frothed at the mouth, and died.

Mary A., an unusually vigorous woman, was able to work in the lead

factory for _twenty years_, having colic once only during that time.

Her eight children all died in early infancy from convulsions. One

morning, whilst brushing her hair, this woman suddenly lost all power

in both her wrists.

Eliza H., aged twenty-five, _after five months_ at lead works, was

seized with colic. She entered another factory (after being refused

by the first one) and worked on uninterruptedly for two years. Then

the former symptoms returned, she was seized with convulsions, and

died in two days of acute lead poisoning.

Mr. Vaughan Nash, speaking of the unborn generation, says: "The children

of the white-lead worker enter the world, as a rule, only to die from the

convulsions of lead poisoning--they are either born prematurely, or die

within the first year."

And, finally, let me instance the case of Harriet A.

Walker, a young girl

of seventeen, killed while leading a forlorn hope on the industrial

battlefield. She was employed as an enamelled ware brusher, wherein lead

poisoning is encountered. Her father and brother were both out of

employment. She concealed her illness, walked six miles a day to and

from work, earned her seven or eight shillings per week, and died, at

seventeen.

Depression in trade also plays an important part in hurling the workers

into the Abyss. With a week's wages between a family and pauperism, a

month's enforced idleness means hardship and misery almost indescribable,

and from the ravages of which the victims do not always recover when work

is to be had again. Just now the daily papers contain the report of a

meeting of the Carlisle branch of the Dockers' Union, wherein it is

stated that many of the men, for months past, have not averaged a weekly

income of more than from four to five shillings. The stagnated state of

the shipping industry in the port of London is held accountable for this

condition of affairs.

To the young working-man or working-woman, or married couple, there is no

assurance of happy or healthy middle life, nor of solvent old age. Work

as they will, they cannot make their future secure. It is all a matter

of chance. Everything depends upon the thing happening, the thing with

which they have nothing to do. Precaution cannot fend it off, nor can

wiles evade it. If they remain on the industrial battlefield they must

face it and take their chance against heavy odds. Of course, if they are

favourably made and are not tied by kinship duties, they may run away

from the industrial battlefield. In which event the safest thing the man

can do is to join the army; and for the woman, possibly, to become a Red

Cross nurse or go into a nunnery. In either case they must forego home

and children and all that makes life worth living and old age other than

a nightmare.