Many Senegalese prostitutes in the Gambia were
The exchange of sex for money or gifts in sub-Saharan
reported to be from non-impoverished families [13], Africa has been widely reported. It is generally inter-while Tanzanian Haya women practising prostitution
preted as a consequence of women's poverty and eco-
were reported to be both poor and relatively well-off [14].
nomic dependence on men (e.g [1-6]). Many have noted In southern Uganda, secondary school girls were
that impoverishment deters women from negotiating
reported to exchange sex to pay for necessities their par-
safer sex [7-10] and makes younger women vulnerable to ents cannot afford, but half those in a qualitative study
the enticements of older men or 'sugar-daddies' [3,9-12].
said that, whatever their affluence, they would not have
However, several detailed studies have suggested that
sex for free. This would be humiliating since the gift 'rubs
material exchange for sex (or 'transactional sex') is not
off the cheapness of being used' [15]. In Mwanza, Tanza-always engaged in through immediate material need.
nia, girls are said to negotiate sexual deals to their own
advantage [16], and in Dar es Salaam, many young
* Correspondence: jwamoyi@hotmail.com
women who had experienced abortions were found to be
1 National Institute for Medical Research, Mwanza, Tanzania
'active social agents, entrepreneurs who deliberately
Full list of author information is available at the end of the article
© 2010 Wamoyi et al; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
BioMed Central Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
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exploit their partner(s)' [17], and no self-respecting commercial sex work [21], rather than transactional sex woman would have sex for free. Hunter argues that trans-in rural areas, yet the majority of the population are rural.
actional sex in KwaZulu-Natal is attributable to gendered
In Tanzania, for example, 70% of people live in rural areas
material inequalities, a particular construction of mascu-
[26]. Furthermore, most qualitative research on young linity, but also 'the agency of women themselves' [3],
people's sexual relationships has been conducted with
while Leclerc-Madlala [18] argues that in Durban women secondary school students (e.g. [1,15,27,28], yet in East see transactional sex as a 'normal' part of sexual relation-Africa only 5% to 25% of young people reach secondary
ships motivated to acquire the commodities of moder-
school [29] and they are likely to be highly untypical in nity. A recent study contrasted policy makers' views of
terms of relative affluence and ways of thinking about the
transactional sex in rural Malawi, as driven by survival
future. In Tanzania, as a whole, the figure is 6% for males
needs, with the views of the rural women themselves,
and 5% for females [29], and even lower in rural areas.
who said that they are also motivated by attractive con-
Most qualitative studies collected data through group dis-
sumer goods, passion and revenge [19]. In a review of cussions, which may bias findings towards normative
both quantitative and qualitative studies of age and eco-
beliefs [9,10], and we are only aware of two other studies nomic asymmetries in young women's sexual relation-employing any participant observation [18,19].
ships, Luke concluded that:
With quantitative studies the validity of sexual behav-
'girls have considerable negotiating power over cer-
iour data is highly problematic [10,30,31], and must be tain aspects of sexual relationships with older men,
treated very cautiously. Furthermore, survey questions
including partnership formation and continuation;
rarely investigate the type of gifts provided or the context
however, they have little control over sexual practices
of gift giving [10]. This means we have little idea about within partnerships, including condom use and vio-the proportion of relationships that involve transactions,
lence.' [10] (pg 67).
and to what extent the transactions are specific induce-
As de Zalduondo and Bernard have argued, attributing
ments for sexual access [10].
transactional sex to economic adversity:
The aim of this paper is to examine young rural
'implies an apology for sexual-economic exchange
women's motivations to exchange sex for gifts or money,
where none is needed. ....The inference that all
the way in which they negotiate transactional sex
instances of sexual-economic exchange are inherently
throughout their relationships, and the implications of
demeaning (and thus probably involuntary) seems to
these negotiations for the HIV epidemic. The findings
underlie an undifferentiated treatment of the topic in
come from an ethnography of young people's sexual
the public health literature.' [20] (pg158)
behaviour in rural Mwanza Region, northern Tanzania.
An anthropological review noted the 'predominantly
Most of the data come from participant observation with
neutral' attitudes to prostitution in sub-Saharan Africa,
young people who had not attended secondary school,
and 'a relatively instrumental view of sex within mar-
and most were unmarried.
riage... It is the filiation of children rather than payment
in cash which distinguishes wives, prostitutes and others.'
Conceptual framework
[21] (pg 424). This fits Caldwell et al.'s overview [22] that Although we recognise that sexual relationships are com-
'sex is seen as a service which women render to men in
plex phenomena influenced by a multitude of factors at
return for cash and support.... ' (summarised by Heald
macro-social, micro-social, psychological and physiologi-
cal levels [32], this paper is restricted almost entirely to The tendency for the issue of sexual exchange to
social factors. At a macro-level the social factors shaping
become polarized, in particular given the 'essentialisa-
sexual relationships generally give men greater power
tions' spawned by debate over Caldwell's 'African sexual-
than women and create the material and ideological con-
ity' thesis [24], makes it easy to overlook that there are ditions that encourage transactional sex. Although inter-generally several, overlapping motivations for sex.
related, they can be broadly divided between economic
Although this paper is concerned with material motives,
factors, kinship factors and normative factors. At a
we do not want to suggest that, if they exist, they are to
micro-level the factors shaping the relative bargaining
the exclusion of other motives such as physical pleasure,
power of (potential) sexual partners can be divided
reproduction, self-esteem, love or establishing and main-
between their individual attributes, which generally per-
taining relationships for other non-material reasons.
sist over time, and the specific circumstances of a partic-
Setel's [25] ethnography from Kilimanjaro Region, Tanza-ular sexual encounter. At this level the different
nia, provides a detailed analysis of how these diverse
dimensions of power sometimes benefited women. The
motives shape sexual relationships.
different levels of influence are summarised below, more
Until the last decade, most research in sub-Saharan
space being given to the macro-social factors since the
Africa on sexual transaction focussed on urban areas and
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main micro-social factors are presented in the Findings
The most relevant social norms relate to women's sta-
section.
tus and sexual culture. In general, women are of lower
Economic conditions in sub-Saharan Africa generally
social status and are culturally inhibited from asserting
give men far greater power than women. Women rarely
their interests in public [7,33]. The predominant sexual hold land in their own right [33], they generally work culture for young people in rural Mwanza has previously
much longer hours than men [34] but largely because of been described in terms of contradictory norms [46].
their domestic responsibilities are far less able to sell their
These ideal standards of behaviour are not entirely pre-
labour. Consequently most are economically dependent
scriptive but can be seen as resources that can be drawn
on men [7]. The gendered division of labour extends to on to legitimate behaviour. Sexual activity is constrained
most areas of work, except for certain farming activities
by norms of school pupil abstinence, female sexual
[25,35], and whilst it gives women power in specific respectability and taboos around the discussion of sex.
spheres [36], in general it greatly benefits men, which However, these norms are incompatible with several
some men recognise [7].
widely held expectations: that sexual activity is inevitable
However, these patriarchal relations have been being
unless prevented, sex is a female resource to be exploited,
eroded for over a century. While the influence of mission-
restrictions on sexual activity are relaxed at festivals, and
aries on marriage patterns is contested [37], there is no masculine esteem is boosted through sexual experience.
doubt that the increasing dominance of the cash econ-
Most young people cope with these contradictions by
omy has undermined the land or cattle-based power of
concealing their sexual relationships [46]: as others have male elders [24,36,38]. Men's employment initially rein-noted elsewhere [24,37], it is generally more important to forced their economic power, but in recent decades con-observe discretion than restrictive sexual mores. This dis-
traction of formal employment has left men unable to
cretion is a pre-requisite to managing different sexual
fulfil their newly acquired 'bread-winner' role, undermin-
identities in different social contexts, usefully theorised
ing their status as head of household [38,39]. Meanwhile by Helle-Valle [24] as 'contextualised dividuality'.
women's entrepreneurial skills and harder work give
Women are greatly concerned to maintain their sexual
them an advantage in the informal sector, reducing their
respectability, and this norm is particularly important in
economic dependence on men and the rationale for mar-
relation to negotiating transactional sex. There are sev-
riage [24,36,38-40]. These social changes are almost cer-eral widely used terms for women who are thought to be
tainly at their most advanced in urban areas and may only
sexually disreputable, such as ' wasimbe' (women living
be starting in rural areas dominated by subsistence farm-
independently of a man or unmarried/separated mothers;
ing.
singular = msimbe), ' wahuni' (which covers a wide range Systems of kinship and marriage have been important
of socially sanctioned behaviours but in this context
underlying factors in women's disempowerment [33].
means 'loose' or 'promiscuous'), and, most derogatory,
The Sukuma are very similar to their southern neigh-
' malaya' (prostitute(s)) which refers to women who
bours the Nyamwezi, for whom 'rights in the productive
explicitly solicit sex, and who have sex with many part-
and reproductive capacity of women are in large part
ners with relatively little selectivity or discretion. As dis-
controlled by and transferred for payment between men.'
cussed by Helle-Valle [42](pg 387), it is helpful to
[41] (pg 72). Bridewealth still determines the nature of recognise that the universal meaning of 'prostitute' as 'the
marriage, most importantly giving the groom rights to
personification of the sexually absolute [ly] immoral', may
the children, but it also, as in Botswana, 'encompasses the
not fully apply in the same way here. In rural Mwanza, as
idea that a man has 'paid' for sexual access to the wife' [42]
in Botswana, the linking of sex with money or gifts is in
(pg379). It involves a significant transfer of wealth, partic-
most cases not regarded as immoral, and most of the
ularly if the bride is young and considered virtuous, typi-
transactional sex reported in this paper was not regarded
cally six cattle or, increasingly, the cash equivalent (cf.
by villagers as 'umalaya' (see findings below), but rather
[43]. Since it is paid by the groom's father to the brides'
as a normal aspect of any sexual relationship formation,
father, it gives them considerable influence over their
continuation and sustenance.
children's' unions [44]. However, with the socio-eco-Transactional sex as described here, differs from uma-
nomic changes eroding patriarchal control, alternatives
laya (prostitution) because of the perceived or actual
to formal marriage, such as kutoroshwa (elopement), have
selectivity of partners and the perceived moral aspect
become increasingly prevalent [25,45], reducing chil-
(social respectability). Like malaya, some other women
dren's economic dependence on parents [36,46]. Further-chose to have sex with many overlapping partners over
more, in the towns and increasingly in rural areas some
time, but they were more discreet and considered them-
women feel able to make strategic choices not to get mar-
selves selective in who they chose (e.g. not having sex
ried at all [36,38-40].
with every man who asked). Malaya may instead primar-
ily (or only) consider the money involved, taking it rela-
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tively indiscriminately, including having sex with men
almost entirely Sukuma villages. Villages 1-4 were visited
they may actively dislike. Related to this (and their per-
for approximately two months during the same seasons
ceived "immorality"), it may well be that malaya explicitly each year for three years. In addition, four multi-ethnic,
have many more partners and/or a higher frequency of
lakeshore fishing villages (nos 5-8) were visited only once,
partner change than other women.
primarily due to limited time, and one isolated Sukuma
While these factors structure the broader context for
farming village (no. 9) was visited for nine person-weeks
sexual encounters, they also operate at a micro-social
of pilot PO only. Farming was the main livelihood in all
level, shaping people's motivations to engage in sexual
these villages. The Sukuma ethnic group comprises 90%
relationships and the negotiation that occurs within
of the population in Mwanza region while other ethnic
them, sometimes understood in terms of 'interactional
groups (primarily Zinza, Sumbwa and Kerewe) constitute
competence' [32,47] or in terms of power differentials small proportions [50]. Most villages had only one pri-
[10,48]. Potential sexual partners' negotiating power mary school and no secondary school.
within specific encounters is largely shaped by their indi-
Five Tanzanians and one Kenyan, aged 21 to 30, con-
vidual attributes and their immediate circumstances. For
ducted the fieldwork, initially staying in villages on their
instance, a woman's physical attractiveness and a man's
own and then in mixed sex pairs of one Swahili-speaking
marital eligibility give each greater bargaining power. The
graduate researcher (JW or GM) and one Sukuma-speak-
extent to which women see themselves as able to negoti-
ing non-graduate. The latter were selected for their previ-
ate sexual relationships successfully in their own interests
ously demonstrated skills as research assistants and their
is also likely to be critical [19].
fluency in Sukuma, and they were given rigorous qualita-
Circumstantial factors are also important: material
tive research training. They were not residents of, and
need, the threat of physical force or strong affection
had not grown up in, the villages they were researching.
reduces a woman's bargaining power, while strong affec-
Their proficiency in Sukuma meant that they could fol-
tion or intense sexual desire reduces a man's (cf. [48]).
low unsolicited conversations going on around them
Furthermore, both parties can be disempowered by their
without having to question things, thus enhancing the
need to present themselves differently in different social
validity of their findings.
realms [24], for instance young women being potentially The fieldwork team was trained through: informal
sexually available to seducers but having to ensure that
methods seminars; detailed discussion of the main objec-
they can conceal any sexual experience from their par-
tives of the research; reading and discussing some key
ents.
methodological and ethnographic texts; accompanying
senior researchers on pilot PO trips; doing a week's pilot
Methods
PO; having detailed debriefings half way through and at
The research reported here complemented a randomised
the end of each fieldwork trip; receiving detailed com-
trial of the MEMA kwa Vijana adolescent sexual health
ments on their fieldnotes and summary fieldwork
programme [49]. The MEMA Kwa Vijana trial showed reports; and in collectively developing a coding frame.
marked improvements in knowledge, attitudes and
They had an aide-memoire for broad aspects of village
reported sexual behaviour, but not in biological outcomes
life such as the main economic activities, social divisions
[49]. However, the qualitative fieldwork of which this and kinship relations, as well as particularly salient
analysis is part, did not reveal any consistent differences
aspects of social life and youth sexual culture. In debrief-
between intervention and control villages in the expres-
ings they were questioned about each of these themes,
sion of sexual attitudes or reported behaviour. Any inter-
but the inductive nature of ethnographic research was
vention-related reporting biases seem to have been
also stressed.
overcome by the establishment of rapport over a long
The researchers introduced themselves as conducting
period through participant observation.
research on factors influencing the general health of
Data come from participant observation (PO) in nine
young people, with no specific reference to sexual health.
villages conducted between 1999 and 2002, in visits usu-
They lived in villagers' households and engaged with
ally lasting seven weeks at a time. The nine villages were
young people in their daily activities, in particular doing
selected from three districts in Mwanza region based on
farm work and, for the women, collecting water and fire-
their trial status (intervention or comparison) and to
wood and cooking. Young people in the host household
broadly represent the range of geographic locations
and in contrasting households were befriended and
(roadside, interior), ethnicity and economic activities
accompanied to social events, such as markets, funerals,
(farming, mining, and fishing) in rural Mwanza. For
video shows and ngoma dancing, and were informally
example, selection of villages 1 and 2 included a pair of
interviewed. Most PO informants were aged 14 to 25.
multi-ethnic, roadside farming villages near a mine, while
Most had attended primary school but by the time of the
for villages 3 and 4 focused on remote, dispersed and
fieldwork had already left, and most were not married.
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Data were also recorded from older adults. The research-
discussions were tape recorded and written-up [51].
ers were encouraged to establish contacts with as repre-
Since most of the productive and social activities were
sentative a spread of young people in each village as
highly segregated by gender, there were very few oppor-
possible, through the selection of their host families and
tunities for young people to interact with the opposite sex
by intentionally engaging with different groups and net-
[46]. Hence the researchers focused on forming friend-works, e.g. religious and ethnic groups. The researchers
ships with young people of their own sex.
had greatest contact with their own sex, perhaps having
The data were transcribed, translated to English,
less licence to ignore the conventions of sexual segrega-
entered into QSR NUDIST software and coded by five
tion t