Traditionally, Tupinamba Indians believed in evil spirits and in the existence of many ghosts who could hurt people. They believed that their shamans communicated with spirits and cured maladies.
The Tupinamba are still enduring violence and persecution from non-Indian society. In 2008, Brazilian Police forcefully entered a Tupinamba village and then shot at the villagers with rubber bullets.
“They attacked our children, threw bombs, smashed our houses, took our work tools, stole our food and beat our elders. And on top of that they lied to society saying that we were armed; if we had firearms, as they say, would we defend ourselves with stones, clubs and spears?” (Open letter from the Tupinamba; Survival International.org)
In the early morning of March 10, 2010 police brutally beat Babau in his home, then arrested and imprisoned him. Givaldo, his brother was imprisoned 10 days later. On June 3, Gliceria, Babau’s sister and her 2 month old baby were imprisoned on June 3rd. Shockingly, her imprisonment occurred after she met with Brazil’s President Lula, and told him about the violence.
“The weapons found prove that it is the gunmen who should be imprisoned, not chief Babau.” (Yulo Oiticica, Vice President of Bahia State’s Human Rights Commission; Survival International.org)
The Tupiniquim Indians (also known as Tupinaki) live in 3 indigenous territories (Caieiras Velhas, Comboios, and The Pau-Brazil Indigenous Territory) in the municipality of Aracruz in Northern Espirito Santo State (Holy Spirit), located in South-eastern Brazil.
Sadly, the Tupiniquim language is no longer spoken by the contemporary generation, their grandparents spoke the language. Contemporary Tupiniquim Indians speak Portuguese.
In Brazilian lingo the word ‘Tupiniquim’ is derogatory or a mockery. There are 2630 Tupiniquim Indians (Funasa, 2010; Socioambiental.org).
The Tupiniquim traditionally occupied a vast region of land along Brazil’s coastline. The first contact between the Tupiniquim and non-Indians (Portuguese) occurred in 1500 in modern day Porto Seguro, Baha State.
Destruction of Tupiniquim lands began in the 1940s. Indians were ‘employed’ to chop down trees for the coal bosses. Later problems include illegal settlers and expanding grazing lands.
The Umutina Indians live in 2 villages in the Umutina Indigenous Territory (formally sanctioned in 1989) in Motto Grosso State. The territory is situated between the municipalities of Barra do Bugres and Alto Paraguai.
Umutina once spoke a Bororo language. Today Portuguese is the main language. Some Umutina are trying to revive their indigenous language. The eradication of their language resulted from violence and injustice perpetrated upon them by non-Indians including but not limited to rubber tappers and land grabbers, beginning in the early 20th century. Thereafter, horrible epidemics nearly decimated the entire Umitina population. . There are 445 Umutina Indians Umitina (Associação Indígena Umutina Otoparé, 2009; Socioambiental.org)
The violence and injustice perpetrated against the Umitina was particularly harsh. The Umitina dared to physically defend their territories. Umitina were outgunned and outmatched, their weapons of choice were bows and arrows, and an armour-breaking club.
The Umutina practice hunting, fishing, and agriculture. Much of the land within the Umutina Indigenous Territory is still rich, and members of the tribe are very thankful for this, and they want to keep it that way. Below is a declaration by a young male Umutina Indian. I apologize for the grammatical errors, likely due to the original translation. I made a few minor corrections without altering or changing the meaning of what was stated; I couldn’t do any more, or else I’d change the meaning of the quote.
“So, climate change for us, for indigenous people in general, is causing a great impact, very bad, very bad impact, unbalancing for us our process of living with nature. We plant, right, and the rain does not fall at the right time. To burn, it’s not being like before, to slash & burn, to be able to plant. And, I know that it’s causing a total unbalance in nature that things are changing. And it’s infringing, it is doing us harm. I think that is what is happening all over of the world, because it is very precarious the situation of climate change, it’s affecting very much our humanity and the most affected are us, the indigenous peoples, who have a direct relationship with nature, that think there should be more care for us to continue, to have a healthy life, even oxygen, to have a good breathing. So, I think that’s it. The great wise men of the village, the great philosophers, they are looking into this and it’s good. We feel it’s changing.” (Luciano, Umutina Tribal Member; ClimateChange.ThinkAboutit.eu)
The Wai-Wai Indians (also spelled Waiwai) live in small relatively isolated villages in forested areas on both sides of the Acarai River in North-central Brazil and the Guyanese border. The name Wai-Wai means ‘Tapioca people’, given to them by another Indian group, resulting from their astonishment at the high quantity of tapioca consumed by the Wai-Wai.
The terrain of Wai-Wai land has helped to prevent harmful invasions by the logging and farming industries. Christian missionary activity has made major headway within Wai-Wai society.
The Wai-Wai Indians were first ‘discovered’ in 1837 by the renowned German born explorer Sir Robert Hermann Schomburk (June 5, 1804 – March 11 1865). Schomburk worked for the British. He was the son of a Protestant missionary.
In Guyana during the 1940s evangelical missionaries lived amongst the Wai-Wai, almost all of the Wai-Wai population and other nearby tribes moved to a location close to the village. This process was reversed during the 1970s most Wai-Wai followed the missionaries back into Brazil. The paramount chief or Kayaritomo of the Wai-Wai and his entire tribe converted to Christianity.
The Wai-Wai Indians speak a Carib language. There are 2914 Wai-Wai in Brazil (Zea, 2005; Socioambiental.org), 170 in Guyana (Weparu Alemán, 2006; ibid).
The Wai-Wai practice slash-and-burn agriculture, hunting has been done with the use of bows and poison-tipped arrows, and shotguns since the 1950s. Fishing is also done with bows and arrows. Because Wai-Wai lands receive an average of 4 meters of rainfall annually, producing adequate amount of food can be quite a challenge.
Wai-Wai Indians have still retained part of their traditional religious practices, using medicine men and shamans. Women’s work and productivity is a well-respected activity among the Wai-Wai. Women are eligible for marriage following their first menses. By age 17 virtually all women in the tribe are married.
Wai-Wai Indians are talented makers of baskets, hammocks, pottery items, flutes, aprons, blowguns, necklaces, kitchen devices, and woven combs.
In 2007, at the time of the second Latin American Parks Congress, the Guyana Wai-Wai openly proclaimed that their land was a ‘Community Owned Conservation Area’. The Wai-Wai will not allow any mining or logging on their land.
“We have always been keepers of the forest that support us. “ (Kayaritomo; guyanathenandnow.wordpress.com)
The Waimiri-Atroari Indians (also known as Kinja) live in region in Roraima and Amazonas State situated in the interior of the Amazon rainforest. Initial contact with non-Indians occurred in the early 1730s. Then and thereafter, until pacification, the Waimiri-Atroari were believed to be and labelled by Brazilian society as an extremely violent, warlike people who killed any person/s not belonging to their group who tried to enter their territory. The truth is they were often only trying to defend their territory. The future proved them right. There are 1,505 Waimiri-Atroari Indians (PWA, 2011; Socioambiental.org).
Responsibility for pacification and invasion of Waimiri-Atroari lands was given to the Brazilian Army; they used brutal methods to eventually pacify and subdue them. Many Waimiri-Atroari died from epidemics and introduced diseases, peaking during the building of the BR-174 Highway, which, by the way through Waimiri-Atroari territory like a scalpel.
It is estimated that more than 2000 Waimiri-Atroari Indians disappeared during the construction of the BR-174 Highway (connects Manaus, Amazonas to Boa Vista, Roraima State). The primary culprits were introduced diseases and then to a lesser extent massacres.
Another devastation suffered by the Waimiri-Atroari was the building of the Balbina Dam; 250,000 hectares of their territory was literally flooded. Beginning in 1979 the Paranapanema Mining Company forcefully entered Waimiri-Atroari territory. Distorted cartographic alterations resulted in a change of the name of the upper course of the Rio Uatuma. The distortion resulted in a 1981 presidential decree amputating roughly one-third of Waimiri-Atroari territory in favour of Paranapanema. The indigenous reserve was negated and what was left was converted into a ‘temporary prohibited area’.
Waimiri-Atroari Indians live in communal-style housing, built in circular fashion. The houses are located near large rivers and streams. Each village is independent; there’s no centralized authority.
Waimiri-Atroari Indians practice agriculture, hunting, fishing, gathering, and making baskets and backpacks (from Aruba fibre). Marriage tends to be between cross-cousins. The Waimiri-Atroari Indians speak a Carib language.
The Wayampi Indians (also known as Wajapi) traditionally lived in regions in Brazil, and in Southeast French Guyana where the Camopi and Oyapock Rivers converge.
In Brazil they’re located in Central Amara and Para States. There are 956 Wayampi Indians in Brazil (Siasi/Funasa, 2010; Socioambiental.org), in French Guyana there are 950 (Grenand, 2009; ibid). The Wayampi comprise subgroups of peoples.
The Wayampi language is part of the Tupi-Guarani Linguistic Family. Wayampi language in French Guyana is differs slightly from its counterpart in Brazil due to minor dialectical variations. Wayampi is written in the Latin script.
BR-174 (The North Parimetral Highway) constructed during the early to mid-1970s opened up a Pandora box of problems for the Wayampi. The last section of the highway pierced deep through Wayampi territory.
What ensued were intruders and invasions including fur hunters, farms, sawmills and prospectors, and mining corporations. Since the 1980s the Wayampi have attempted to expel the invaders and protect their territory.
The Wayampi practice slash-and-burn agriculture (as a collective activity), hunting (lack of game is sometimes a problem), and fishing (using bows and arrows). Beginning in the late 1970s, western goods have become an integral part of Wayampi trade.
The Wapishana Indians (also spelled Wapixana, Wapisiana) are located in the Federal Territory of Roraima, the least populated state in Brazil. There are 7832 Wapishana (Funasa, 2010; Socioambiental.org) in Boa Vista the capital Roraima, in southern Guyana 6,000 (Forte, 1990; ibid), and Venezuela 17 (INE, 2001; ibid).
The Wapishana language is part of the Arawak Linguistic Family. It’s the only remaining Arawakan language in Roraima State. Most Brazilian Wapishana speak Portuguese. Most Guyanese Wapishana are bilingual (English and Wapishana).
Contact between the Wapishana and non-Indians first occurred in 1498, on Columbus’ third voyage. By the late 18th century the Wapishana were brought to and compelled to work at the Portuguese fort on the Rio Branco and mission colonies that guarded international borders and ensured the area’s commercial development.
Wapishana Indians eventually had to deal with farming, ranching, and colonists encroaching into and around their territory. Brazilian Wapishana villages are surrounded, pierced into, and firmly squeezed in place by non-Indians.
Prior to 1950, the Brazilian Government gave political control of the area to ranchers. This led to the linguistic integration of the Wapishana (Portuguese became a common and important language for many tribal members).
In Guyana, Indian villages are state elected administrative units, with no reservation system. Villages tend to be in relatively secluded areas. Although Guyanese Wapishana are better off than their Brazilian counterparts, they’re still ‘Indians’ persecuted by the dominant society. Indians are at the bottom of the heap in Guyanese society; adequate health care and education are most often seriously deficient.
Traditionally Wapishana settlements were composed of a cluster of short-term houses. The 20th century witnessed a drastic change in the makeup of Wapishana settlements. Villages are now built around a church. Villages may also contain a school, a community house. It’s not unusual to see Waphishana men play soccer.
Some Wapishana villages own herds of cattle (and other animals) including a corral, and an area kept for pasture. Wapishana practice agriculture, hunting, and fishing. They make bows and arrows (for the most part replaced by shotguns), pottery, baskets, cotton spinning, hammocks, baby slings, and introduced crafts.
The Wari Indians (also known as Pakaa Nova) live in 7 villages deep in the Amazon rainforest in Rondonia State. Most Wari live in The Sagarana Indigenous Territory, other Wari live in 4 other Indigenous Territories.
The Wari language is part of the Txapakura Linguistic Family. Wari means ‘us’ or ‘people’. There are 2721 Wari Indians (Funasa, 2006; Socioambiental.org).
Resulting from invasions and forceful intrusions by rubber tappers into Wari territory during the early part of the 20th century, the Wari found themselves with no option but to move to the headwaters of rivers; areas that were hard to reach and enter. The rubber tappers had literally replaced the Wari’s old enemies. But this enemy was much more powerful and dangerous.
Epidemics and introduced diseases wreaked havoc on the Wari claiming over half of the entire population. Currently the most devastating ailment is malaria. Other problems include tuberculosis, gastro-intestinal illnesses and infections (parasitic, respiratory).
The Wari were previously known as the Pakaa Nova; this was due to their initial contact with European colonists near the shores of the Pakaa Nova River. The Wari were subdued by missionaries and the Indian Protection Service between the late 1950s and the early 1960s.
Traditionally the Wari practiced 2 forms of cannibalism, endocannibalism (consuming persons belonging to the same tribe, people, or society; hence other Wari Indians). In Wari culture consumption of deceased members of the tribe was a form of ‘ultimate respect’. It was also believed that upon death a Wari was transformed into an animal. Wari endocannibalism followed a strict ritual path and was formalized.
Exocannibalism (consuming persons who are not from the same tribe, people, or society; hence non-Wari peoples). The Wari killed and ate their enemies to bring about a human to non-human relationship and to convey the contempt and scorn they feel for the enemy. Traditionally, Wari exocannibalism didn’t follow a ritual or formal path. They cadaver was simply chopped up they ate what they wanted to eat. Wari Indian cannibalism ceased to be practiced.
The Wari Indians practice agriculture, hunting, and fishing. They collect and sell Brazil nuts. The market price for this product is unstable.
The Wauja Indians (also known as Waura) live in a region surrounding the Piyaluga Lake near the Upper Xingu River in Motto Grosso State. The Wauja have a 1000 year history in this area, indicated by archaeological evidence. They speak the Maipure language which is part of the Arawak Linguistic Family. There are 529 Wauja Indians (Siasi/Sesai, 2012; ibid).
The Arawak speaking peoples in this region appeared to have been non-migratory and contained large communities. The Wauja were initially observed in 1884 by German Ethnologist Karl von den Steinen. He had been informed of the presence of the ‘Vaura’ (as it was pronounced) Indians by word of mouth, and also given a hydrographic map of the area. The map was given to him by the Suya Indians.
Beginning in the 18th century a multi-ethnic social system formed by speakers of the Arawak language in the Upper Xingu River region.
Catholic Missionaries have made regular trips and visitations to Wauja villages for the purpose of inserting Christianity into their lives and culture, and to assimilate into village society. Many Wauja have converted to Christianity. But the pain agony of non-Indians’ presence in the region was still felt in the form of introduced diseases.
The Wauja manufacture artefacts, pottery, craftwork, waste-bands, and other articles. Some of the articles are sold to other Indian Tribes and to non-Indians.
Serious land conflicts have occurred between the Wauja and non-Indians. The logging industry, large-scale cattle ranching and violence perpetrated by farmers. One particular case involved the burning down of the only 3 houses in Ulupuene village. Territorial invasions also occur from fishermen and hunters. The Wauja need land security and legally recognized land demarcations.
The Xakriaba Indians (also spelled Chakriaba, Chikriaba) live in the region of the Tocantins River in Minas Gerais State. There are no known speakers of the Xakriaba language, which was part of the Je Linguistic Family. Today the Xakriaba speak Portuguese. There are 9196 Xakriaba Indians (Funasa, 2010; Socioambiental.org). The Xakriaba are currently struggling to defend themselves and their territory.
The Xavante Indians who call themselves A’uwe (also spelled Shavante; also known as Akwe, Crixa) traditionally lived in regions located along the entire length of the Rio das Montes (Montes River) in Mato Grosso State. In 1967 they were expelled from their lands in order to open the area for cattle ranching. The new settlers forced the Xavante to move to an expansive wasteland in Eastern Mato Grosso State.
The Xavante language is part of the Je Linguistic Family. There are 15315 Xavante Indians (Funasa, 2010; ibid).
Initial contact with Europeans was a good indicator of things to come. In the 17th century the Xavante were enslaved. Nevertheless, they were strong, numerous, and tried to resist the violent, aggressive foreigners.
The Xavante fought back by launching their own attacks against mining camps, and looted the settlers’ cattle and crops. But by the 1780s the Portuguese Government had significantly acquired the upper hand. The Xavante were forced into mission villages surrounded and guarded by the Portuguese Military. The period from 1784 to 1788 is termed the ‘Pacification’ of the Xavante. Some Xavante left the missions, headed to Eastern Motto Grosso State.
The 1940s and 1950s brought about more devastation to the Xavante. The Brazilian Government enticed non-Indians to settle on Xavante lands. Furthermore, the Brazilian dictator Getulio Vargas instituted the National Integration Plan, resulting in massacres and introduced diseases. The Xavante are still distrustful and suspicious of non-Indian outsiders. Although the Xavante were invited to return to part of their original territory, much of what remains was destroyed.
Like other Indians tribes in Brazil, it wasn’t until 1988 that they were permitted to vote or make decisions for their own peoples. Currently the Xavante are reasserting themselves. Mario Juruna, a Xavante leader who was born in Namurunja village became the first Brazilian Indian to become a federal representative.
On May 25, 2006 a group of Xavante Indians blocked a highway in Mato Grosso State to bring to light the destructive impact of soil cultivation on the Rio das Mortes River basin. It was a national and international campaign launched by the Xavante Wara Association. The water sources in question play an integral part for Xavante survival and spiritual livelihood. Compared to other Indian protests, this one was relatively calm and lacking serious confrontations.
“The Rio das Mortes is Our Life.” (These words were written on a Xavante banner; survivalinternational.org)
Unfortunately, that’s where it ends. The Xavante, like numerous other Indians in Brazil are still being harmed by big, powerful neighbours. Nevertheless, the Xavante have not given up. A brave Xavante Leader since 1996 named Hiparidi Top’Tiro from Mato Grosso State has been instrumental in fighting for his peoples’ human and land rights. Below are 2 paragraph quotes that tell volumes.
“Big multinational companies like Bunge, Cargill, ADM, and Amaggi are also located in this area. Amaggi (an operating division of the larger Maggi Company) is owned by the state governor, Blairo Maggi. These companies are destroying all of the Cerrado that surrounds our lands. They are also poisoning our rivers and our children. They fly over our lands when they crop dust, dropping chemicals down onto us from the air. This is causing a lot of illness. Our lands are completely surrounded by huge {agricultural industry} ... Another big problem is deforestation of the lands that surround our area. Our areas are so small that it limits our access to the natural resources that we need to live.” (Hiparidi Top’Tiro; culturalsurvival.org)
“Soy agriculture is already moving into our lands because some of our relatives are under the illusion that this will bring money and improve the quality of life in the community. They are caving in to farmers’ constant pressure and don’t realize that they are being taken advantage of by the Mato Grosso state government and farmers, who only think about profits and capitalism. The government and the farmers don’t care about the Cerrado; the people, animals, our children, and the culture of the next generations are meaningless to them. I believe in taking a different approach to making money for communities.” (Hiparidi Top’Tiro; ibid)
Traditional Xavante believed that the stars in the sky are the eyes of heavenly people who are watching us. Exogamous marriage is preferred. Marriage decisions are most often made by the parents. However, the children’s views and opinions are taken into consideration.
Beginning in the 1950s due to the major loss of land and the encirclement by (often-times hostile) non-Indians, the Xavante became sedentary. Each village is independent, located on the open savannah. They live in ‘beehive’ houses. Men and women tend to wear western clothing.
Xavante practice shifting cultivation, hunting (using firearms), and fishing (using modern tools). The Xavante are admired for their incredible running abilities.
The Xerente (also spelled Sherente) live in more than 30 villages located east of the Tocantins River, north of the capital city of Palmas, including the Xerente and Funil Indigenous Territories, in Tocantins State. There are 3017 Xerente Indians (Funasa, 2010; ibid).
The Xerente and Xavante speak the same language but there are some dialectical variations. Their language is part of the Je Linguistic Family. Children up to the age of 5 only speak the native language. As they get older Portuguese is also learned. Portuguese is used when communicating with non-Indians.
The Xerente have had predominately peaceful relations with outsiders since the 19th century. But the Xerente did have serious problems including land invasions and entries by illegal settlers and ranchers. The Xerente received their first demarcated area in the early 1970s. Twenty years later and much work resulted in another demarcated and officially approved area (Funil Indigenous Territory).
Xerente villages are small containing between a dozen and a few dozen persons. Huts are structured in a semi-circular fashion encircling a central gathering area.
Xerente practice agriculture, hunting, fishing, and gathering. There is less game to hunt, and fishing is no longer as important as it once was due to major development projects on the Tocantins River.
The Xeta (also spelled Seta, Sheta, also known as Are’) live in a region along the Parana tributary of the Kaingang River. Traditionally, they inhabited a much larger area. Currently much of their area consists of Brazilian cities. The Xeta language is part of the Tupi-Guarani Linguistic Family.
The Xeta were the last Indian group in Parana State to have contact with Brazilian society. However, a Czech scientist named Albert Fritsch did come across a small group of Indians with 3 captives who claimed to be Xeta Indians.
Beginning in the 1940s the Xeta suffered an onslaught of colonization into their territory, resulting from coffee production, cattle ranching, agriculture, settlers, and the taking of land. By the 1950s the Xeta Indians were nearly extinct. Today there are 86 Xeta Indians (da Silva, 2006; ibid). An unknown number of Xeta Indians have married outside of their group. Xeta population was likely a few hundred before decimation.
Due to extraordinary circumstances the Xeta have become wage earners, doing menial jobs and of course facing the harsh racism of the national society. The Xeta demand recognition as an indigenous people and compensation in the form of money and lands for past, and unfortunately, present injustices endured.
The Xipaya Indians (also spelled as Shipaya) are live in the Xipaya Indigenous Territory along the Iriri (a tributary of the Xingu River) and Curua Rivers in Para State. Their territory contains a total of 4 villages.
The Xipaya language, which is spoken in the municipality of Altamira, Indigenous Territory of Curua’, Xipaya Indigenous Territory, and 4 villages, is part of the Juruna Linguistic Family. Most Xipaya speak Portuguese, their language is nearly extinct.
The Xipaya presence in Altamira began from the mid-18th century. Intermarriages between the Xipaya and Kurua in Altamira and dispersal make an official demographic census more difficult. One educated estimate is 84 Xipaya Indians (Funai/Altamira, 2010; ibid). They’re struggling to retain part of ancestral lands.
The Xipaya practice agriculture and gather food from the forest, hunt (using firearms) and fish all-year-round, and breed livestock.
The Xukuru Indians (also spelled Xucuru) live in lowlands located at the base of the Ororuba Mountains near the city of Pesqueirra, in Northeast Brazil, Pernambuco State. The Xukuru have lived in the general area for eons. There are 12.139 Xukuru Indians (Funasa, 2010; Socioambiental.org). Xukuru speak Portuguese.
The Xukuru have endured centuries of horrible persecution and cultural and religious deprivation. The Portuguese forced the Xukuru to practice intermarriage, in an attempt to dilute tribal identity. They were forced to work for Portuguese landowners, doing menial labour under terrible and humiliating conditions. The landowners could be outright ruthless and cruel if they wanted to because there were no protections for the Indians. Many Xukuru converted to Catholicism, but they still practice their native ceremonies and some of their traditions.
In 1988 an amendment to the Brazilian Constitution was made for the purpose of returning some of the land to the indigenous people.
Although there are Brazilian laws ensuring the protection of Indians and their culture, these laws are often ignored or simply not enforced.
In this particular context, in 1988 the Brazilian Government declared that a particular territory in question belonged to the Xukuru Indians; the legal title to the land was given back to them. The Xukuru fought very hard to have their land rights recognized by the Brazilian Government. They had to deal with powerful enemies including large landowners and ranchers.
All peoples have heroes, especially those who are severely persecuted. A notable hero was a Xukuru Indian named Chief Xicao. He conducted numerous peaceful protests so that his people could be given back their land. In 1998, Chief Xicao was assassinated in an apparent ambush in front of his sister’s house. What followed was a state of tumult and disturbance.
Shortly thereafter, the assassin was found dead in the jail of the Regional Superintendant of the Federal Police in Pernambuco. The police claimed that it was a suicide. We’ll never really know.
In 2000, Chief Marcos, the son of Chief Xicao was appointed by the Xukuru leadership council to be the new chief. Chief Marcos was a highly energetic 21 year-old with extraordinary leadership skills. He wore 2 wedding rings; one ring represented his marriage to his wife, the other ring represented his marriage to his people. We don’t hear much about this kind of hero; under the context, it’s because he was an indigenous person.
February 7, 2003 Chief Marcos was a victim of an attempted assassination on Xukuru land. The assailants killed 2 heroic youths who tried to prevent the assassination.
This heinous attack outraged the Xukuru, resulting in civil disobedience and violence. The day after the attack Federal Police concentrated their attention on non-Indian farmers’ properties instead of on the attempted assassination of Marcos and the cold-blooded murder of 2 Xukuru youths.
The end result 35 Xukuru leaders including Chief Marcos were convicted of having ordered the destruction of non-Indian farmers’ properties. Sentences ranged from 1 to 10 years. It must be noted that Chief Marcos was in the hospital following the attempt on his life; he couldn’t have incited any violence following the attempt on his life.
The Yaminawa Indians (also spelled Jaminawa, Yawanawa) live in Acre State, Brazil: 1,298 (Funasa, 2010; Socioambiental.org), in Peru 600 (INEI, 2007; ibid) and 630 in Bolivia (Sociambiental.org).
The word Yaminawa means ‘People of the Axe’; the name was given to them by others. The Yaminawa language is part of the Panoan Linguistic Family. Many Yaminawa are bilingual, speaking Yaminawan, and Portuguese or Spanish depending on which side of the border they live on.
Many Yaminawa live deep in the forest, others can be found in the outlying areas or in the slums of Rio Branco, Acre State. Overall, literacy rates tend to be low. Teaching does not appear to be a respected occupation by tribal members.
The Yaminawa have endured much suffering, in the 20th century some were captives, the rubber boom industry wreaked havoc upon them, along with slavery, violence, introduced diseases; some fled to rivers to get away from the colonizers.
Yaminawa practice agriculture, fish, hunt, and work as day labourers, and sell caught or gathered items. Villages tend to contain a group of small houses. Traditionally, they preferred a mobile lifestyle.
Chief Tashka and Laura Yawanawa have been influential figures within the Yawanawa community, fighting to increase the size of Ya