The Dragon in Medieval East Christian and Islamic Art by Sara Kuehn, Sebastian Günther, et al - HTML preview

PLEASE NOTE: This is an HTML preview only and some elements such as links or page numbers may be incorrect.
Download the book in PDF, ePub, Kindle for a complete version.

chapter eleven

tinted fingertips hold a large crescent-shaped

mitted through the Ṣābian cult of the moon-god

moon The centrally facing figure is flanked on

at Ḥarrān41 whose cult flourished well into the

either side by two small attendants 35 The com-

Islamic period Farès associates the lunar figure

position is encircled by two confronted dragons

with the content of the text, which he construed

whose bodies are knotted at the four cardinal

to be a prophylactic or talismanic device rein-

points; at the top the heads, with curved horns,

forced by healing powers associated with serpents

wrinkled snouts and wide-open jaws revealing

against the evil powers of disease in ancient Mes-

tongues with bifid tips, extend beyond the cir-

opotamian and Graeco-Roman beliefs 42

cumference, while the slender coiling tails form

The iconography of the Pseudo-Galen double

an additional loop before tapering to a point at

miniature has been studied by Guitty Azarpay,

the base The corners of the composition are fil ed

who identified the depiction of the dragons jux-

with four winged figures, of presumably honorific

taposed with the anthropomorphic lunar emblem

and celestial significance,36 that hold up the

as eclipse dragons, the head and the tail of al-

medallion The central figures and the four fram-

jawzahar 43 This argument is strengthened by the

ing figures are distinguished by a halo

fact that a partial solar eclipse did occur in the

The central frontally rendered figure, possibly

a symbolic personification of the planet Moon

Near East on 29 Rabīʿ al-awwal 595/28 January

(al-qamar), was a popular motif at this time

1199, a date which corresponds with that of the

37 and

one that was “generally invested with astrological

completion of the manuscript, indicating that the

and semi-magical significance ”38 The now

representations on the double miniature were

destroyed thirteenth-century Sinjār Gate of Mosul

intended as apotropaic devices against the poten-

was decorated with a relief portraying a figure

tial astrological threats imminent at the very time

holding up a crescent moon 39 The emblem

of its production 44 yet rather than associating

ap pears to have been of some importance since

the imagery of al-jawzahar, portrayed with the

it is shown on the coinage of Badr al-Dīn Luʾluʾ

personified moon emblem, with the actual occur-

as well as on coins of other rulers of Mosul and

rence of a solar or lunar eclipse, Pancaroğlu sug-

Sinjār (between 585 and 657/1189 and 1258) and

gests, as proposed earlier by Farès, that the

of Saladin (Mayyāfāriqīn, 587/1191) 40

depiction has in fact a wider meaning and, more

In his monograph on the manuscript, Bishr

precisely, may also be semantically linked with

Farès perceives the lunar emblem as Nin-gal, the

the contents of the manuscript 45

“Great Lady” and divine consort of the moon-god

Although probably being a pseudo- epigraphical

Sīn, whose attribute was the crescent, and pro-

original Arabic work by an anonymous author,

poses that the iconographic expression was trans-

the text of the Kitāb al-diryāq is falsely attributed

35 Azarpay (1978, pp 364–5) relates the lunar personifi-

fig 22 The lunar figure was interpreted by scholars as the

cation to Graeco-Roman and Byzantine traditions in which

emblem of the city of Mosul as well as the coat of arms of

the Moon is female, which, she suggests, is generally perpetu-

Badr al-Dīn Luʾluʾ (whose sobriquet was “new moon” or

ated in depictions of the symbol in Islamic art On the female

“full moon of religion”) Rice (1957, pp 321–2) however

nature of the Moon in Roman astrological imagery, see also

has disputed this association on the basis that the motif

Markel, 1995, p 83, in contrast to it generally being thought

was not restricted to Mosul; cf Ettinghausen, “Hilāl ii – In

of as male in Indian mythology, idem, pp 32–8 and n 33 (for

Islamic art,” EI² III, 379a

an exception see, idem, p 152); Pingree, 1964–5, p 250 The

40 Such as the copper coinage of the Zangid rulers

henna-tinted fingernails and tips of the fingers and toes of

of Mosul, ʿIzz al-Dīn Masʿūd I ibn Mawdūd (576/1180–

the figure clearly identify her as female See also the depic-

589/1193) (cf What the Coins Tell Us, 2009, p 32, 15722 and

tion of female moons on a late twelfth-century Tell Minis-

15719) or Nāṣir al-Dīn Maḥmūd ibn Masʿūd (616/1219–

style bowl, now preserved in the Paris, Musée du Louvre,

631/1234) (dated 627/1229; American Numismatic Society;

Département des Antiquités orientales, Section Islamique,

cf Ettinghausen, “Hilāl,” EI² III, 379a, fig 4) See also Lane

inv no OA 7872 L’Etrange et le Merveil eux en terres d’Islam,

Poole, 1877, nos 529–33, 567–9, 589–92 The lunar emblem

2001, p 232, cat no 159

is also shown on the coinage of the ʿAbbasid caliph al-Nāṣir

36 Azarpay, 1978, p 366, n 19; Pancaroğlu, 2001, p 163

(577/1181–620/1223); Hauptmann von Gladiss, ed , 2006,

37 See, for instance, on twelfth- and thirteenth-century

p 106, cat no 12

metalwork (Saxl, 1912, p 164, fig 10; Pope and Ackerman,

41 Farès, 1953, pp 22–4, 26–7, 33

eds , 1938–9, repr 1964–81, vol 6, pls 1327, 1331) and

42 Idem, pp 29–33

minia ture painting (e g al-Qazwīnī, ʿAjāʾib al-makhlūqāt,

43 Azarpay, 1978, pp 363–74, and eadem, 1991, pp 1–10

Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod Arab 464, rea-

44 Eadem, 1978, pp 363–74 . On the apparent discrep-

lised during the author’s lifetime in Wāsiṭ in 678/1279–80;

ancy of the choice of representing a lunar eclipse when in

Saxl, 1912, fig 8)

fact it was a solar eclipse that had occured, see Pancaroğlu,

38 Azarpay, 1978, p 364

2001, p 164

39 Sarre and Herzfeld, 1920, vol 2, pp 213–5; Azarpay,

45 Pancaroğlu, 2001, p 164

1978, p 365, fig 3; Hauptmann von Gladiss, ed , 2006,

the dragon and the magico-medical sphere

173

to the second-century physician Galen with the

(“Sources of Information on the Generations of

commentary of yaḥyā al-Naḥwī (John the Gram-

Physicians”), that according to Galen’s account:

marian/Johannes Grammatikos or Johannes

Asklepios is represented holding in his hand a

Philoponus) of Alexandria ( c 490–565),46 and

carved staff with branches, made from the marsh

credited to the most renowned scholar of the

mallow tree … Upon it, there is represented a

translation movement, the Nestorian Christian

long-lived animal, wound [i e , coiled] around it

Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī ( c 192/808–264/877) 47

– a snake 51

It is a literary “hybrid”48 comprising the biograph-

He explains that the association of Asklepios with

ical sketches of nine classical physicians – among

the serpent is due, firstly, to:

whom are the physicians Galen (Jālīnūs),

Andro machus the younger (Andrūmakhus

the fact that the snake is a sharp-sighted animal

al-Qarīb al-ʿAhd), who together with his father

which is much awake and never sleeps Thus the

student of the craft of medicine must not be

was active at the court of the Roman emperor

detracted by sleep, and he must possess the keen-

Nero, and the early fourth-century Philagrios

est possible mind in order to be able to warn

(Aflaghuras) their theriac recipes as well as

(his patients) in advance of present (conditions)

their vitae, followed by a section on snakes and

and (those) likely to arise in the future 52

their classifications and further medicinal reci-

He offers a further explanation, namely that the

pes 49

serpent has a long lifespan, perhaps possessing

In the third painting of the Paris Kitāb al-

eternal life and hence that:

di ryāq, Philagrios is shown in the process of pre-

paring an antidote in a large vessel placed on a

those who employ the craft of medicine are able

stand over a fire which is fanned by his assistant 50

to live long … This animal – the snake – sloughs

off its skin, called by the Greeks “old age ” Like-

The onlookers comprise men and women of dif-

wise people by employing the craft of medicine,

ferent age groups Seated at the lower right corner

are able to slough off old age, the result of disease

of the scene, an emaciated figure clad only in a

and regain health 53

loincloth, probably the patient, gestures to a

dragon depicted just below the physician The

Other medieval Arabic sources record that

Askle pios’ staff was wreathed with entwined

creature has large, wide-open jaws and its body

serpents and, moreover, that Agathodaimon

is composed of two intertwining serpent coils It

(Aghāthūdhī mūn), who was considered a great

may thus represent an ingredient in the prepara-

authority in the occult sciences, was Asklepios’

tion of the antidote, as indicated in the account

teacher 54

of Andromachus the younger that is given in the

In spite of their dangerous or even life-threat-

text, discussed below . Alternatively, the entwined

ening qualities, serpents have long been consid-

coils may represent the caduceus-like staff, a

ered to have medicinal benefits against a variety

symbol that was known in the medieval Islamic

of afflictions and, as stated in the account of

world Writing in the thirteenth century, the phy-

Andro machus the younger included in the text

sician Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa (599/1203–669/1270)

of the Kitāb al-diryāq, were an essential ingredi-

records in his dictionary of over 380 biographies

ent in the theriac, into which he “added many

of physicians, ʿUyūn al-anbāʾ fī ṭabaqāt al-aṭibbāʾ

drugs and made a single theriac … [he also]

46 Meyerhofer, 1932, pp 1–21

52 Idem, p 70 and n 72 The denomination drakōn is

47 Cf Ullmann, 1970, p 49; Johnstone, “Summ,” EI 2 IX,

thought to be derived from the Greek word derkomai, “to

872a; Pancaroğlu, 2001, p 156 and n 9; Kerner, 2004, p 167

see” (see also Porphyrios, De Abstinentia, III 3,8); the sacred

48 Kerner, 2007, p 25

serpent is said to be the guardian of the temple of Asklepios

49 In addition to the two frontispiece miniatures there are

because it is the most watchful of animals; according to

nine text miniatures and a set of illustrations of serpents and

Cornutus, Lucius Annaeus, “snakes are symbols of Athene,

plants that have a direct bearing upon the content of the text

because they look frightening and are vigilant and sleep

Farès, 1953, pls VII–IX: portraits of physicians of antiquity,

little” ( Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 20); similarly, it is

XI–XVI: themes and anecdotes treated in the text, XIX: a

associated with Asklepios because of its ability to self-rejuve-

table of serpents, XVII–XVIII: specimens of plants See also

nate, to discard age, as well as its vigilance; because patients

Moulierac, 1996, p 101; Kerner, 2004, pp 3–4 and n 3

require attentive care ( Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 33)

50 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms Arabe 2964, p 15

53 The Greek gerās (“old age”) is also used to denote the

Colour reproductions in À l’ombre d’Avicenne, 1996, p 156,

cast-off skin of snakes Rosenthal, 1956, pp 70–1 and n 76

cat no 87, bottom, and Pancaroğlu, 2007, p 26, fig 12

54 Ullmann, 1972, p 176 and n 6; Plessner,

51 Rosenthal, 1956, pp 67–71

“ Aghā thū dhīmūn,” EI² I, p 247a

174