uralistic, are depicted in the portals of sacred
Naumann, as well as Johanna Zick-Nissen simi-
monuments, such as a madrasa and a mosque
larly associate the depiction with the duodecimal
As discussed earlier, the placement of the dragon
animal cycle 103 Baer explains the motif as a reflec-
theme relates to its role in protecting the vulner-
tion of the legendary talking or wāqwāq tree
able zone at the threshold of the monuments rep-
of the Alexander Romance 104 associated also
resenting the liminal or transitory passage, in
with the Iskandar cycle of the Shāh-nāma,105
other words the interface of the exterior with the
which Iskandar is said to have encountered during
interior Such use invokes dragon imagery in its
his travels to the ends of the earth 106 Said to grow
apotropaic capacity As guardian of the threshold
in some of the Indian islands, this fabulous tree
the dragon is a powerful force to ward off evil
bears fruits resembling human heads which utter
and afford protection against any dangerous influ-
the sound wāqwāq when named The theme recurs
ences The dragons on the Sunqur Beg Mosque
frequently in manuscripts of the “Wonders of the
represent rare Ilkhanid-period examples98 which
World” genre (for instance in the works of the
continue a tradition that appears to have begun
thirteenth-century cosmographer al-Qazwīnī)
during the rule of the Saljuqs of Rūm, as evi-
and is perhaps related to that of the Zaqqūm tree
denced by examples of sacred architecture such
mentioned in the Qurʾān on which demons’ heads
as the Ak Mosque (617/1220–634/1237) at
grow instead of fruit ( sūra 37, 62–8) The icono-
Anamur, the Great Mosque (626/1228–9 or later)
graphic rendering of the Gök madrasa reliefs is
at Divriği, the “Kiosk Mosque” at Sultan Han
closely related to the “inhabited scroll” motif
(between 629/1232 and 633/1236) near Kayseri,
referred to earlier, which may have its origin in
and the Çifte Minare madrasa (before 640/1242–
Khurasan, where the first datable instance occurs
3) at Erzurum
on marble slabs, possibly from a palace of a
The association of the reliefs on the Gök
Ghaznawid sovereign at Ghazna 107 It is therefore
madrasa with the duodecimal animal cycle that
conceivable that the animal heads fixed to rinceaux
was introduced through the Ilkhanids was first
do not illustrate any particular story but reflect,
proposed by Ernst Diez
rather, an overall spirit of wonder at the mythical
99 This hypothesis was
elaborated by Otto-Dorn and is followed by sev-
hybrids thought to exist beyond the outer reaches
of the known earth and as such imbued with pro-
eral Turkish authors,100 but has been challenged
phylactic and talismanic qualities 108
by Roux who does not believe that this calendar
Until the death of the Great Khān Qubilai
was represented in Islamic art 101 Controversy also
(Qūbīlāy) in 694/1295, the Ilkhanids were sub-
surrounds closely related depictions on a tile type
ordinate to the larger empire of the Great Khān
found at Takht-i Sulaimān, of which several frag-
in China This became different when Ghāzān
ments and complete examples survive 102 The
Maḥmūd Khān (r 694/1295–703/1304), the sev-
spandrels between upper and lower bands of the
enth and possibly the greatest Ilkhanid ruler,
lustre-painted square tiles show relief scrol s bear-
marked the outset of his reign by officially pro-
ing animal heads among which long-eared dragon
fessing the Muslim faith, when he declared him-
heads can perhaps be made out The excavators
self pādishāh-i Īrān va Islām (“emperor of Iran
of Takht-i Sulaimān, Elisabeth and Rudolf
and Islam”) 109 The conversion to Islam signalled
98 A further example is the mausoleum of Hüdavend
106 The wāqwāq tree thereby transforms into the oracular
Hatun (712/1312) in Niğde, discussed on pp 75–6, 123
Tree of the Sun and Moon which through its heads is said
99 Diez, 1949, pp 99–104
to have informed Iskandar of his approaching death Cf
100 Otto-Dorn, 1963, pp 131–3, 143, and eadem, 1978–9,
Ackerman, 1935, pp 67–72 For illustrations of the wāqwāq
pp 142–5
tree, see for instance Martin, 1908, repr 1968, vol 1, p 21,
101 Roux, 1978, pp 239–41 See also Di Cosmo, 2002,
fig 10
p 280
107 See pp 69–70
102 Melikian-Chirvani, 1984, figs 3–14; Masuya, 1997,
108 See also Baer (1965, p 68) who suggests that in the
pp 484–92, fig 6-1-g
popular imagination these rinceaux were imbued with a spe-
103 Naumann, E and R , 1976, p 48; Museum für Isla-
cific meaning related to magical transformation and were not
mische Kunst, catalogue of the collection of the museum,
merely traditional ornaments
Berlin, 1979, p 122
109 Fragner, 2006, p 73 The official profession of the
104 Baer, 1965, pp 66–8 On the theme of the talking tree,
Islamic faith is emblematised in the Arabic inscription of the
see the Ethiopic version of the Pseudo-Callisthenes, tr and
shahāda (“There is no god but God and Muḥammad is the
ed Budge, 1889, repr 2003, p cii, and the Syriac versian,
Messenger of God”) which Ghāzān Khān had inscribed on
idem, pp 104–6 The Hellenistic poet Callimachus (310/305–
a gold coin that was struck at Shiraz in 700/1300–1, yet at
240 BC) even describes a contest of talking trees ( Iambus
the same time he remained culturally close to his Mongol
IV)
identity by inscribing the reverse in Uighur, stating “struck
105 Tr and ed Mohl, 1838–1878, vol 5, pp 229–33
by Ghāzān by the Power of Heaven” and adding his Muslim
222