the transformation of the Ilkhanids into an
Even before Hetʿum’s travel to the Ilkhanids
Islamic dynasty, perhaps in an effort to secure
in 1295, depictions of dragons in Armenian man-
their power in relation to the Mamlūks in Egypt
uscripts had acquired stylistic aspects that are
and to relate themselves historically, ethnically
characteristic of Chinese and Chinese-inspired
and linguistically to their Muslim subjects
Mongol art, reflecting the influence of represen-
Ghāzān underlined the independent status he
tations on Chinese silks and other works of art
intended to take by using the title Khān 110 yet in
that were imported to Cilicia 117 Visual evidence
spite of having thus become more independent
of the relations between the Mongol court and
from the Mongol empire, the Ilkhans seem to
their Armenian vassals can already be clearly
have continued to pledge their loyalty at least
detected at least a decade earlier in the example
nominally to the Mongol institution of the yasa,
of the illuminated lectionary ordered by Hetʿum
the tribal laws of the Mongols as codified by
II and copied and illustrated in Cilicia in 1286 118
Genghis Khān, a system that was of singular his-
The spandrels of the trilobed arch of the headpiece
torical significance to the Mongols even though
of folio 334 are filled with a dragon-and-phoenix
with the introduction of Islamic law it had de
motif (fig 193) The dragon is here shown incor-
facto lost its validity 111
porating some Chinese-derived conventions such
The conversion of the Ilkhans to Islam dealt,
as the formidable paws with four unsheathed
however, a heavy blow to the hitherto friendly
claws and the undulating tail tucked under one
relations of the Mongols with Cilician Armenia
of the hind legs The soaring phoenix is rendered
In the year of Ghāzān Khān’s ascension to the
with outspread wings with delineated plumage
throne, the Cilician king Hetʿum II travelled for
and slender fanned tail, its head portrayed with
nearly two months to the Ilkhanid capital
the distinctive curved beak turned upwards to
Marāgha, an important centre of Christianity
face the dragon’s head Paired together the myth-
during the Mongol period, in the Azerbaijan
ical creatures became symbols of imperial sover-
region of present-day Iran, to meet the Ilkhan
eignty in yuan China and were as such probably
ruler at his ordu (imperial encampment)112 in
deemed appropriate symbols for members of the
order to receive investiture and, in turn, to pres-
Armenian imperial family, perhaps Hetʿum’s par-
ent “great gifts ” He was warmly welcomed and
ents, Levon and Keran 119 The depiction also
received a gift of royal apparel, which “advertised
reflects the fascination with imaginary animals
[his] right to act on behalf of the sovereign,”113
of Far Eastern derivation An example of the
an example of gift exchange or reciprocity as trib-
direct appropriation of the image of the Chinese
ute which was central to Mongol imperial soci-
dragon can be seen in the donor portrait of Arch-
ety 114 He also successfully petitioned for the
bishop John (yovhannes), the half-brother of the
rescinding of an order to demolish all Christian
Cilician king Hetʿum I, in the Gospel he commis-
churches 115 The kingdom of Cilicia had friendly
sioned in 1289 The lower hem of his tunic carries
relations and maintained regular contact with the
an appliquéd piece of cloth embellished in gold
Mongol court in Qaraqorum and later in
with a standing Chinese dragon, the head with
Khānbāliq from the mid-thirteenth century Dip-
gaping mouth in profile, all outlined in red on a
lomatic relations included several journeys of
white background 120 Sirarpie Der Nersessian sur-
Armenian princes and kings to the Mongol and
mises that the textile represents a Chinese silk
Ilkhanid courts and lasted until Ghāzān Khān’s
which may have been brought by one of John’s
death in 703/1304 116
brothers who had visited the Mongol court or an
name, Ghāzān Maḥmūd, written in Arabic between the lines
116 Early Armenian missions include the visit of Smbat,
See Phillips, 1969, p 121, fig 32 (drawing) and pl 38g
constable of Armenia, in 1247 to 1250, to the Mongol court
( British Museum)
of Qaraqorum, followed three years later by that of his
110 Spuler, 1939, repr 1955, pp 225–6
brother, king Hetʿum I, in 1253 to 1255 Hetʿum I and his
111 Idem, pp 220–3, 312 Cf Allsen, 2001, p 22
son Levon II paid several visits to the Ilkhanid rulers Hülegü,
112 Hetʿum II had set out to meet the Ilkhanid ruler
Abāqā and Arghūn from the 1250s to 1280s See Kouymjian,
Baidu, but when Ghāzān Khān wrested power from the latter
2006, pp 305–8
and ascended to the throne, he paid his respects to the new
117 Der Nersessian and Agemian, 1993, vol 1, pp 124–5
sovereign
118 yerevan, Matenadaran Ms 979, fol 334 See eidem,
113 Allsen, 1997, pp 93–4
vol 1, p 124 and vol 2, fig 517
114 Idem, pp 27–70 and 99–106, and idem, 2001,
119 Cf Kouymjian, 2006, p 321
pp 31–50
120 yerevan, Matenadaran Ms 197, fol 141v, Archbishop
115 The Chronography of Gregory Abû ’l-Faraj, tr and ed
John ordaining a priest; see Der Nersessian and Agemian,
Budge, vol 1, 1932, pp 505–6
1993, vol 2, fig 645