The Dragon in Medieval East Christian and Islamic Art by Sara Kuehn, Sebastian Günther, et al - HTML preview

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epilogue

223

otherwise imported silk which the archbishop

shops, transforming them into fertile ground for

may have used for his vestment 121

the creation of a range of syncretic expressions 128

Surviving examples of textiles which were made

It moreover shows that luxury items such as

in Central Asia at about the same time similarly

textiles served as primary transmitters of visual

present the dragon in different postures A famous

ideas, techniques, forms and fashions from the

fragment of a silk tapestry (kesi), which has been

East Asian (primarily Chinese) visual culture to

dated between 1200 and 1300, shows dragons in

the West and played a prominent role in the for-

rampant posture chasing pearls 122 Closely related

mulation of new aesthetic idioms in Western

stylistically to the dragons featured on the tile

Asia 129 It is noteworthy that together with the

revetments of Takht-i Sulaimān, these are simi-

monumental dragons carved at the neighbouring

larly shown with elongated wide-open proboscis-

site of Viār (fig 185) and the dragons that emerge

like snouts and their tails hooked under one of

in Armenian manuscripts (fig 193), the dragons

the hind legs

depicted in the royal residence at Takht-i Sulaimān

Another textile, a silk and gold thread lampas

(figs 186a and b, 187a and b), in particular on

weave, dated to c 1300, which was found in

the tile decoration, seem to be among the earliest

Gdańsk (also known by its German name Danzig),

instances of the appearance of Chinese-inspired

now in the Kunstgewerbemuseum in Berlin, fea-

Mongol dragons created in a Western Asian con-

tures paired confronted parrots with Arabic

text It is most likely that the dragon motifs por-

inscriptions on their wings and tails with ascend-

trayed on Chinese or Central Asian textiles

ing four-clawed dragons of East Asian inspiration

provided a model for the dragons rendered on

rendered in a twisted fashion in the interstices 123

other media 130

As noted in the inscription the silk was probably

The dragon motif continued to be an important

made for the Mamlūk sulṭān al-Nāṣir al-Dīn

symbol in Ilkhanid manuscript illustration, of

Muḥam mad I ibn Qalāwūn (r from 693/1293 to

which one of the very greatest examples, the Jāmiʿ

694/1294 and from 698/1299 to 741/1341) and

al-tawārīkh, was undertaken under Ghāzān Khān

offered as a gift by the last Ilkhanid ruler Abū

It was at his instigation that the great task of com-

Saʿīd following a truce 124 A further example, also

mitting the Ilkhanids’ universal history to writing

preserved in the Kunstgewerbemuseum in Berlin,

was assign ed to the eminent grand vizier and

which has been dated between 1275 and 1350,

patron of learning, Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍlallāh

shows coiled dragon motifs set in lobed medal-

Hamadānī Ṭabīb ( c. 645/1247), a convert from

lions surmounted by a band of pseudo-inscription

Judaism Intended to promote Mongol identity

composed of interlaced Kufic shafts At first sight

and transmit a written record of its distinctive

the dragons appear to be distinctly Chinese in

history and achievements,131 the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh

style, closely related to the dragons portrayed on

centres on Mongol history This ideological oper-

Jin brocades125 or on yuan textiles 126 yet the motif

ation was made to fit into the literary mould of

has been adapted to more Iranian interpretations

the subject population, aiming to place the

with the pearl being absent and, more importantly,

Mongol Ilkhanids as rightful successors of the

the dragons’ tails ending in dragon heads 127 The

previous “legitimate” kings in Iran, thereby jus-

depiction on the lampas weave also reflects the

tifying ideologically the political process of amal-

imperial Mongol policy of large scale movement

gamating pre-conquest Iranian and Mongol

and resettling of specialist craftsmen drawn from

Ilkhanid identity into one unified structure 132

diverse conquered countries to staff their work-

Completed only after Ghāzān’s death during the

121 Eidem, vol 1, p 158

fig 2002, cat no 181; Kadoi, 2008, p 27, fig 1 8

122 The Cleveland Museum of Art, inv no 1988 33; Watts

126 For instance, Watts and Wardwell, 1997, cat no 42

and Wardwell, 1997, cat no 17, for related examples see

127 Inv no 00 53 Watts and Wardwell, 1997, p 139,

p 55, fig 12, p 68, fig 22, p 75, figs 26 and 27, and cat nos

fig 68; Kadoi, 2008, p 27, fig 1 7

13, 14, 18 Cf Kadoi, 2008, p 20, fig 1 1

128 See Dode, 2007, pp 100–13

123 Inv no 1875–258 Wardwell, 1988–9, fig 19; von

129 The agency of the Mongols as “prime movers” in

Wilckens, 1992, pp 47–8, no 75; Legacy, 2002, fig 75, cat

the long-distance east-west exchange and patrons of cul-

no 71; Kadoi, 2008, p 26, fig 1 6

tural transmission has been demonstrated by Allsen, 2001,

124 The inscriptions read, “Glory to our lord the sulṭān,

pp 3–16, 193–211 See also Legacy, 2002, p 183

the king, the just, the wise Nāṣir,” at the centre is the name

130 Cf Kadoi, 2008, p 107

“Muḥammad ” Arts of Islam, 1976, p 80; Wardwell, 1988–9,

131 Tr Thackston, vol 1, 1998–9, p 18

p 101

132 Idem, pp 27–8

125 Watts and Wardwell, 1997, cat no 30; Legacy, 2002,

224