The Dragon in Medieval East Christian and Islamic Art by Sara Kuehn, Sebastian Günther, et al - HTML preview

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introduction

7

of the well, and then untwisting its tail from my

yasht hymn (“Songs of Praise”) collection of the

body went away 26

surviving Avestan texts, the earliest scriptures of

the ancient Persian religion, Zoroastrianism, lists

Farīd al-Dīn ʿAṭṭār’s (b c 513/1119) hagiography

not only various types of legendary or mythical

Tadhkirat al-awliyāʾ (“Memoirs of Saints”) con-

“first man” or “first king,” but also dragon men

tains another image of a benign serpent, described

and killers of dragons, transmitted mainly from

as fanning the mystical lovers from time to time

the Indo-Iranian period 31 The later Zoroastrian

“with a branch of narcissus held in its mouth ”27

scriptures of the Vidēvdāt (Vendidād), perhaps

In Abū Ṭāhir Ṭarsūsī’s twelfth-century compila-

influenced by the customs of the Median priests,

tion of prose narratives, Dārāb-nāma (an Iranian

the Magi,32 contained a radically reconfigured

recension of the Alexander Romance), the hero,

view of the universe The “law against the daevas

Dārāb (Darius), is confronted with a sympathetic

divided “creation into two mutually antagonistic

dragon which helps him to find his abducted

halves—the creatures of the Holy Spirit on the

mother, queen Humāy 28 The story of Ardashīr in

one hand and the creatures of the Destructive

the same epic begins with the tale of the origin of

Spirit on the other ”33 According to this under-

a dragon that evolved out of a worm in an apple,

standing serpents or dragons (Av azhi-, Pahl

perhaps representing a romanticised account of

azh-) were identified as creatures of the “hos-

the introduction of sericulture into Iran,29 when

the sight of silkworms transforming into spinning

tile spirit” Ahriman They were defined as evil,

cocoons must not have been uncommon Among

noxious, harmful to man and his animals and

the collection of fables entitled Marzubān-nāma

crops (Av khrafstra)34 and thus deserving of

(“Tales of Marzubān”) recorded by Saʿd al-Dīn

death 35

Warāwīnī in 607–22/1210–25, who presented his

This inherent ambiguity is exemplified in the

col ection to Abu ’l-Qāsim Rabīb al-Dīn, the vizier

demon Azhi Dahāka/Azhdahāk found in the

to the Ildeñizid/Eldigüzid atābeg of Azerbaijan

Avestan texts, the notorious dragon who tried to

(Ādharbyjān), Özbek ibn Muḥammad, there are

seize the khvarәnah- (Mid Pers khwarrah “glory,

five stories about serpents One of these accounts

God-given fortune, splendour”) of Iran’s Aryan

deals with a pious, generous serpent who has the

rulers of traditional history, attempting, in other

power to interpret dreams and who saves a weaver

words, to make himself ruler of the Aryans 36 After

from punishment by helping him to remind the

several great battles, he was overcome by the

king of his forgotten dreams It selflessly con-

dragon-fighter Thraētaona/Frēdōn (the Avestic

tinues to help the weaver even though the latter

counterpart of the Vedic dragon-slayer Indra)

deceives the serpent on two occasions 30 The sto-

Hence from an early time, variants of this epic

ries thus portray the serpent-dragon’s compas-

seem to have attributed to usurpers some traits

sion as a sign of innate benevolence, high merit

that seem to have been borrowed from the dragon-

or kindness, exemplifying human virtues

man 37 Long familiar as a monstrous tyrant,38 he

On the other hand, the awesome and terrifying

becomes in New Persian or Arabic narratives the

nature of the serpent-dragon forced humans into

Babylonian tyrant Ẓaḥḥāk (al-Ḍaḥḥāk)/Dahāk,

a subordinate, defensive role, thus for instance the

who belonged to the Pīshdādian, the early mythi-

by Abu ’l-Faraj (XXII, 85–6) as a “manifest fabrication ”

one hand—and the creatures of the Destructive Spirit on the

Cited after Kilpatrick, 2003, p 117

other Thus they can be regarded as the true authors of that

26 Ḥayāt al-ḥayawān al-kubrā, tr Jayakar, 1906, vol 1,

rigid dualism that was to characterize the Zoroastrianism

p 58

of a later period, but which is only implicit in the Gāthās

27 Ed Nicholson, R A , Tehran, 1370/1991, pp 46, 184, as

[“songs”] of Zoroaster ”

33

cited in Gohrab, 2000, p 86 Cf al-Hujwīrī, Kashf al-Maḥjūb,

Zaehner, 1961, p 162

34

p 118; Gohrab, 2003, p 81

Boyce, 1975, repr 1996, pp 90–1 The special stick

28 Gohrab, 2000, p 85

used by the Zoroastrians to kill noxious creatures of vari-

29 yamamoto, 2003, p 75

ous kinds is called a mār-gan (“snake-killer”); Russell, 1987,

30 Tr Levy, pp 222–7

p 461 The custom of killing of khrafstra s is also mentioned

31 Christensen, 1931, tr 1993, p 23

by Plutarch ( De Iside et Osiride 46; De Invidia et Odio 3 537B;

32 According to Zaehner (1961, p 162): “ the extraor-

Questiones Conviviales 4 5 2 670D)

35

dinary zest with which the Magi are alleged to have killed

Vidēvdāt 14 5; 18 73

36

‘with their own hands’ flying and creeping things, can

Cf Christensen, 1931, tr 1993, p 26; Gershevitch,

scarcely be accounted for except on the supposition that

1959, p 59; Zaehner, 1961, pp 150–3; Sarkhosh Curtis and

they thought such creatures to be the handiwork of an

Stewart, eds , 2005, pp 102–3

37

evil power It is they, then, who would be responsible for

Christensen, 1931, tr 1993, p 27

38

the cut-and-dried division of creation into two mutually

yasht 5 29–30; 15 19

antagonistic halves—the creatures of the Holy Spirit on the

8