Ctesiphon), placed the ʿAbbasids (132/750–
corpus of Arabic translations, the simultaneous
656/1258) in the heartlands of the former Sasa-
cultural appropriation was much broader, pervad-
nian empire ( c. 224–651) During Sasanian
ing all modes of life By the twelfth and thirteenth
times scholarly activity was partly motivated by
centuries, Islamic culture had fully internalised
a Zoroastrian imperial ideology that would see
and synthesised concepts emerging from a mul-
all learning ultimately derive from the Avestan
titude of scientific works acquired largely from
texts, the Zoroastrian canonical scriptures It
Graeco-Roman and Indo-Iranian sources
is perhaps in this context that the burgeoning
The movement of craftsmen from eastern
Graeco-Persian translation activities which cul-
Islamic lands, in particular from greater Khurasan,
minated in the reign of Khusraw I Anūshirwān
westwards was a decisive process, which acceler-
(r 531–578), generating a culture of translation
ated between the fall of the Iranian dynasty of
that survived into early ʿAbbasid times, are best
the Samanids (204/819–395/1005) and the late
understood 8 Political and economic support from
thirteenth century, a period that might broadly
the Western Central Asian world, in particular
be described as the Turko-Mongol era Hemmed
from greater Khurasan (in other words the wider
in by deserts both to the south and the north, the
Iranian world), was indispensable for the ʿAbbasid
Khurasan mountain range and the plains along
victory 9 The early ʿAbbasid caliphs tried to legiti-
its slopes have always represented a significant,
mise their rule by expanding their ideology to
and often the most important communication
include the concerns of the “Persian” contingent,
artery between east and west The tendency to
thereby bringing about the incorporation of Sasa-
easternise was initially an internal phenomenon
nian culture, still dominant for large parts of the
within Western Central Asia which began with the
population east of Iraq, into mainstream ʿAbbasid
Iranian Samanid dynasty that ruled in Transoxa-
culture 10 Two components of the Sasanian cul-
nia (known during the Middle Ages as mā warāʾ
ture, Zoroastrian imperial ideology and political
al-nahr, “the land which lies beyond the river
astrology, proved to be of immense significance
[Oxus]” at the eastern margin of Khurasan facing
to the caliph al-Manṣūr, who was in many ways
the still pagan Turks) and then in Khurasan from
the actual founder of the ʿAbbasid caliphate, in
the ninth century onwards For a time, the Sama-
helping him to consolidate the ʿAbbasid cause
nids constituted the border between the Islami-
Between the second half of the eighth and
cised lands and the still incompletely Islamicised
eleventh centuries, intense scientific activity was
Turkic dynasty of the Qarakhanids East of the
accompanied by a prodigious effort to garner and
regions dominated by the Qarakhanids were the
then translate, assimilate and cultivate scientific
lands of the Oghuz tribes from whom the Saljuqs
and pseudo-scientific treatises, for instance on
would emerge
theology, medicine, astrology and logic, mostly
Under the aegis of the Samanids and that of
via Syriac and Persian (Pahlawī) into the Arabic
other petty courts of the east, Iranian literature
sphere Especially in the field of astronomy and
flourished, reaching an extraordinary stage of
astrology translations were often also made from
maturity and eloquence with authors such as
Persian or Sanskrit 11 The translation movement
Rūdakī, Daqīqī and al-Kisāʾī of Marw 14 It was
was actively patronised by the ʿAbbasid rulers
at this time that the ancient Iranian epic tradi-
while at the same time representing a “social phe-
tions were rekindled, and in 346/957 the governor
nomenon” which was “subsidized by an enormous
of Ṭūs in Khurasan, Abū Man ṣūr Muḥammad
outlay of funds, both public and private ”12 Sup-
ibn ʿAbd al-Razzāq, commissioned the transla-
port for these undertakings “cut across all lines
tion of Pahlawī (that is, the Middle Persian of
of religious, sectarian, ethnic, tribal and linguistic
the Sasanians) texts of the national epic into
demarcation Patrons were Arabs and non-Arabs,
New Persian These were taken up by the great
Muslims and non-Muslims, Sunnīs and Shīʿites,
poet Abu ’l-Qāsim Firdawsī of Ṭūs ( c 329–30/
generals and civilians, merchants and land-own-
940–1– c 411/1020 or 416/1025), author of the
ers, etc ”13 While the most widely known evidence
monumental versified epic retelling of the his-
for Muslim cultural borrowing lies in this vast
tory of the pre-Islamic Iranian kings and heroes
8
12
Idem, 1998, pp 25–6
Gutas, 1998, p 2
9
13
Cf Frye, 2005, p 4
Idem, pp 2, 5, see also 134–5
10
14
Gutas, 1998, p 29; Spuler, 1976, pp 342–7
Cf Bosworth, “Samanids,” EI 2 VIII, 1025b
11 Pingree, 1963
the medieval islamic world from central asia to anatolia
17
from mythico-legendary times until the arrival of
Mount Saqīlā in the land of the Romans, Mount
Islam, which in the context of the period may be
Zahāb in the yaman, or in Ṭabarestān 15
seen in terms of an Iranian revival characterised
At the same time there was a florescence of
by an interest in national history Known as the
local arts and crafts With this cultural back-
Shāh-nāma, it was completed in 400/1010 after
ground, some of the Turkic tribes, in particu-
about thirty years of writing Together with Asadī
lar the Oghuz and Qarluq (henceforth known as
Ṭūsī’s (d c 465/1072) slightly later heroic epic
Türkmen/Turkoman),16 converted to Islam and
Garshāsp-nāma (“Epic of Garshāsp”), the oldest
became heirs to the local Muslim civilisations,
of the epics complementary to Firdawsī’s
Iranian and then Arabic By the late tenth cen-
Shāh-nāma, it serves as one of the main sources
tury Selchük (transcribed in Arabic as Saljūq),
for various descriptions of dragons comprising
the son of Toqaq Temir yaligh, commander of
the fol owing range of features that not only incor-
the Oghuz yabghu, embraced Islam and became
porate characteristics of various species into a
a ghāzī (Muslim warrior for the faith) against his
single body but had the ability to cross boundaries
still pagan fellow-tribesmen He and his follow-
within the natural environment it inhabits and
ers soon became embroiled in a power struggle
was found in different locations:
with the weakening Samanids, a vacuum filled
shortly after by the emerging Turkic dynasties,
[The dragon] is sometimes described as a wolf, a
the Ghaznawids and Qarakhanids, thus setting
tiger, shīr-e kappī, i e , a sort of sphinx (combined
the stage for the rise of the Great Saljuq Empire
lion and ape), or simply as a patyāra (maleficent
creature), or a black cloud it has one head and
Turkic tribes had long been in contact with
mouth, exhaling fire and smoke from its hellish
Western Central Asian culture The Ghaz na vid dyn -
mouth, and inhaling with enough force to suck
asty of Turkish origin was founded by Sebüktigin,
in a horse and rider, or a crocodile from the
a general and governor for the Samanids and
water, or an eagle from the sky … It is big as a
with its capital in Ghazna lasted for over two
mountain Its head resembles a thicket of hair
hundred years, from 367/977–8 to 583/1187 The
and its bristles stretch down to the ground like
Ghaznawids were favourably disposed towards
nooses It has two horns the size of the branch
Iranian culture, and their courts became out-
of a tree, ten gaz or eighty cubits long Its eyes
standing cultural centres They thus fulfilled what
are the size of wagon wheels or like two tanks of
was expected of royal patrons, as the polymath of
blood They shine from afar as brightly as stars at
the age, Abu ’l-Rayḥān Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad
night, as two glittering diamonds, as two blazing
al-Bīrūnī, who finished his days at Ghazna, put it:
torches, or as two mirrors held beneath the sun
“to do this [sc to honour learning and its repre-
It has two tusks, each the length of the hero’s
sentatives is] … the duty of those who rule over
arm or of a stag’s horns Humans and animals
them, of kings and princes For they alone can
hang from its teeth When it sticks its long, black
free the minds of scholars from the daily anxiet-
tongue out of its mouth it hangs down onto the
ies for the necessities of life, and stimulate their
road like a black tree Its skin has scales like a fish,
energies to earn more fame and favour, the yearn-
each as big as a shield It has eight feet, though
ing for which is the pith and marrow of human
most often it drags itself over the ground, and
nature ”17 The Indian campaigns of Maḥmūd
when it moves it makes the valleys and plains
ibn Sebüktigin (r 389/999–421/1030) brought
tremble, and a river of yellow poison as deep as
a great influx of plundered temple treasures
a spear flows from its tail and nose Its color is
into the capital, Ghazna The empire reached its
variously described, e g , as dark yellow or gray,
zenith under Maḥmūd: no expense was spared
black, blue Its lair, guarded day and night, is
on a mountain (usually said to be near the sea,
in beautifying the capital and the sulṭān brought
whence the azhdahā itself originated) or rock the
scholars, craftsmen and artisans from the lands
same color as its body and is shunned by al living
he had conquered to Ghazna as well as to such
things, animals and plants The sources variously
provincial centres as Herat, Balkh and Lashkarī
locate it on the Kashaf-rūd near Ṭūs, on Mount
Bāzār, resulting in a flowering of the arts, and of
Shekāwand in Kabul, India, “Māzandarān,” on
architecture in particular 18
15
17
Khāleqī-Moṭlaq, “Aždahā II,” EIr
Kitāb fī Taḥqīq mā li-l-Hind (“Book of Inquiry into
16 The term Türkmen appears in Islamic sources from
India”), tr Sachau, 1887, p 152
18
the tenth century onwards See Bosworth, 1968, p 17
Bosworth, 1963, pp 139–41 Cf Bombaci and Scerrato,
1959
18