The Dragon in Medieval East Christian and Islamic Art by Sara Kuehn, Sebastian Günther, et al - HTML preview

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CHAPTER THREE

THE DRAGON MOTIF ON PORTABLE OBJECTS

a Overview

variety of real or imaginary dangers The belief

in the magical power of images meant that they

By their very nature, portable artefacts are char-

could function as talismans intended, for instance,

acterised by their potential for movement across

to promote well-being and to protect from the

geographical, cultural and religious boundaries 1

power of evil This is related to the age-old belief

Most of the objects under discussion testify to

in the agency of envy and jealousy and the Evil

an overall westward migration of the dragon

Eye, which certainly survived through the medi-

iconography from the Western Central Asian

eval Islamic period,5 and the neutralisation of the

regions, facilitated by the movement of ever

harm that was intended to the person by wearing

growing numbers of Turkic-speaking tribes, the

such a piece Hence the serpent or dragon comes

dominant force being the Saljuqs, into Western

to be looked upon as harbinger of good luck and

Asia The latter took much from the artistic tra-

bestower of prosperity In addition, such objects

ditions of the Ghaznawids whose state they had

were often believed to endow their owners with

destroyed 2 During the Saljuq period, the main

certain abilities or powers One of the most wide-

artistic centres were located in greater Khurasan

spread functions of talismans was in the form

and northern Iran, with merchants and artisans

of amulets ( tamāʾim, sing tamīma, or taʿāwīdh,

becoming the principal bearers of cultural tra-

sing taʿwīdh) intended to gain the assistance of

ditions 3 Able to move freely in the enormous

unseen, supernatural forces that were believed

empire, which reached from Khurasan to Syria

to influence the affairs of humankind to achieve

and Asia Minor, the population aided the diffu-

certain desired outcomes It is of course impos-

sion of prevailing styles and tastes which had a

sible to fathom how “potent” the motif was for

“markedly Khurasanian flavour ”4

the wearer, it may indeed be that some did not

Belonging to a wider, shared visual culture

consider the dragon motif to have such explicit

across the medieval Central Asian sphere, por-

powers, using it as an ornament, but with prophy-

table objects shared emblematic themes, reflected

lactic intent In general, though, it may reason-

also on monumental representations The dragon

ably be conjectured that the dragon iconography

motif is found on a great variety of artefacts, nota-

carried implicit semantics imbued with passively

bly in the category of personal objects: specifi-

apotropaic, that is to say protective or actively

cally on accoutrements pertaining to the hunt

beneficial properties, in other words empowering

or war and objects of personal adornment The

qualities designed to be imparted to the wearer

semantic value of the dragon motif on the former

Other objects such as vessels with this ico-

would naturally have served to enhance the effi-

nography may often have functioned as porta-

cacy of these items When personal in nature and

ble “apotropaia ” In spite of the fact that many

worn on the body, objects with this motif were

pieces have a very varied iconography of which

popularly believed to provide the wearer with a

the dragon is only part, it may be hypothesised

prophylactic or apotropaic safeguard against a

that dragon motifs, too, served to magnify the

1 Cf Hoffman, 2001, pp 17–22

ibn Muhalhil al-Khazrajī al-yanbūʿī, known as Abū Dulaf,

2 Marshak, 1986, p 358

refers to beggars who wrote out talismanic charms and

3 Melikian-Chirvani, 1974, pp 112, 114; Marshak, 1986,

sold little clay tablets allegedly made from the earth of the

p 359

tomb of al-Ḥuseyn in Karbalāʾ, undoubtedly alluding to the

4 Cf Melikian-Chirvani, 1974, pp 112, 114 See also

production of amulets For this and further references, see

p 18, n 25

Bosworth, 1976, vol 1, pp 86–8, 90, 128, vol 2, pp 192,

5 In his Qaṣīdah Sāsānīyah, the tenth century poet Misʿar

198–9, 221, 243

36