The Dragon in Medieval East Christian and Islamic Art by Sara Kuehn, Sebastian Günther, et al - HTML preview

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chapter three

head holding in its wide-open mouth a bovid,

Or, the hopelessness of a political situation, as

whose protome peers out of the dragon’s jaws 24

expressed by one of the last Sasanian rulers,

Interesting in this regard is the use in medi-

Khusraw II (Khusraw Parwīz, r 591–628):

eval Iranian poetry of the metaphor “caught in

But what can this avail now that my head is in

the dragon’s maw” (akin to “held in the dragon’s

the dragon’s maw?27

claws”) which is conventionally used to reflect a

potentially fatal calamity In the pre-Islamic epic,

In Islamic culture dreams were considered an

Wīs u Rāmīn (“Wīs and Rāmīn”), translated (from

important means of communication with the

Pahlawī into classical Persian) and versified by

world of the unknown Their meaning would

Fakhr al-Dīn Asʿad Gurgānī around 442/1050,

be explained, often as a prophetic message from

the protagonist Rāmīn uses it, for instance, to

the world of the unseen 28 Hence, it is interesting

describe his separation from his beloved Wīs, the

to consider a dream interpretation recorded in

daughter of the queen of Media who is the wife

al-Damīrī’s fourteenth-century para-zoological

of his older brother, king Mūbad of Marw:

encyclopaedia which reverses the generally nega-

tive associations of the ophidian-devouring pro-

I have left my hostage heart with you

cess He states that:

It is as if, upon your soul I swear,

I’m in a dragon’s jaws when you are not there 25

He who dreams of a serpent swallowing him,

In the Shāh-nāma, in which the ancient history

will obtain power 29

of Iran, from its legendary origins down to the

In the heroic epic Garshāsp-nāma composed by

extinction of the Sasanian dynasty in 652 was

Asadī Ṭūsī in 456–8/1064–6, the eponymous hero,

recorded, this metaphor is used to describe a polit-

who is the great-great uncle of the legendary war-

ical misfortune, such as the defeat of the Iranians

rior Rustam, is requested by Ẓaḥḥāk at the tender

by the Türkmen:

age of fourteen to slay a dragon that dwells on

The world thou wouldst have said, “is in the

Mount Shekāwand having emerged from the sea

dragon’s maw, Or Heaven level with earth 26

following a storm 30 The hero accomplishes the

feat by clubbing the beast to death with a cudgel

carved in the form of a dragon head 31 Employ-

24 The iconography of the dragon devouring or disgorg-

an initiation process, the successful completion of this ritual

ing a human being or an animal such as a felid or a bovid is

entitling the initiate to start a new phase of life or existence

also known in the Christian iconography of the Caucasus

An analogous relief probably representing Jonah in the maw

A dragon with quadruped forelegs and a looped tail, por-

of a mythical creature, a “whale” with quadruped forelegs

trayed in profile and depicted in the process of swallowing

(only the protome is featured) is shown above the south

or delivering a proportionally small human figure, is shown

door (east side) of the Georgian Tao-Klardjeti monastery

above the southern entrance of the mid-tenth-century Geor-

church of Haho (Georgian Khakhuli), modern Bağlar Başi

gian church of Beris-Sakdari, near the village of Eredwi

in northeastern Turkey, datable between the tenth and

in the Patara Liakhvi Gorge The depiction is probably

eleventh centuries (Baltrušaitis, 1929, pl LXXI, fig 118;

related to the story in the book of Jonah in the Old Testa-

Winfield, 1968, pp 62–3 (line drawing, fig 6), pl 30b)

ment of a sea-monster or ketos who devoured and cast up

However, whereas on the relief of the Georgian church of

the hero under divine command For the ketos, translated

Beris-Sakdari, the human figure is depicted with its head in

vishap, which swallowed Jonas in later Christian Armenian

the dragon’s maw (as if being swallowed), the Haho relief

art, see Russell, 2004, p 373 The imagery of the dwelling-

shows the figure’s upper body and head topped by small

place of sinners “in the midst of the jaws of the dragon of

fish projecting from the beast’s jaws (as if being spat out)

25

the outer darkness” also repeatedly appears in the Gnostic-

Tr and ed Davis, 2008, p 388; the same metaphor is

Christian writings of the Pistis Sophia ( c fourth century)

employed on pp 143, 166 and 230

26

which are further discussed in the following chapters; Pistis

Tr and ed Mohl, 1838–1878, vol 6, p 538

27

Sophia, text ed Schmidt and tr Macdermot, 1978, bk III,

Idem, vol 6, p 88 For further examples cited in the

ch 108, p 551, ch 119, p 609, ch 121, p 617 The fact that

Shāh-nāma, see, for instance, idem, vol 3, p 171, l 377,

the imagery was depicted above the entrance to the church

p 469, l 670; vol 4, p 13, l 95; vol 5, p 13, l 95; vol 6,

also indicates that its iconography was associated with the

p 233, l 876

28

warding off of evil and the affording of protection Referring

Marzolph and van Leeuwen, 2004, p 542

29

to the work of Vladimir Propp, Boris Marshak has pointed

Ḥayāt al-ḥayawān al-kubrā, tr Jayakar, 1906, vol 1,

out the archaism of the theme of the hero being devoured

pp 655–6

30

by a monster (Propp, V y , Istoricheskie korni volshebnoi

Khāleqī-Moṭlaq, “Aždahā II,” EIr; yamamoto, 2003,

skazki (“The Morphology of a Fairy Tale”), Leningrad, 1946,

p 115

31

pp 200–23, as cited in Marshak, 2002, p 49, n 39) Accord-

Asadī Ṭūsī, Garshāsp-nāma, p 269, l 10, cited after

ing to Propp (1984a, pp 116–8, 207, 208, and idem, 1984b,

Khāleqī-Moṭlaq, “Aždahā II,” EIr In the Shāh-nāma, the

p 96) the imitation of devouring and expectorating of a

hero employs serpent-like sword (tr and ed Mohl, 1838–

hero by an animal such as a dragon was sometimes part of

1878, vol 5, p 341, l 728)

the dragon motif on portable objects

39

ing the principle of sympathetic magic – “like

rings, in the belief that its presence would aid

affects like” – Garshāsp succeeds in killing the

in attaining victory over their opponents 40 Very

dragon by means of a weapon carved with its own

informative in this regard is the entry under the

likeness This magical power appears to be con-

heading yashf (“jade”) of al-Bīrūnī’s pharmaco-

tagious and can be transmitted from its source,

logical work, the Kitāb al-Ṣaydala fi ’l-Ṭibb (com-

in other words from the dragon onto different

posed in 442/1050), which states that dragon

kinds of implements such as the mace32 or a staff,

iconography was engraved on jade and used by

as evidenced, for instance, by a story recorded by

the Turks to adorn swords:

al-Kisāʾī Here Mūsā similarly employes a mimetic

The yashf stone: this is yashb on which they

or “homeopathic” principle by using his serpent-

engrave the radiate dragon [ al-shuʿāʿ is trans-

staff to strike a giant serpent that has devoured all

lated as “ray of light” in Steingass] We tested it

the sheep of the Prophet Shuʿayb’s flock that pass

without the engraving and it delivered [a result]

through an exceptional y fertile val ey thereby cut-

Its characteristic, they say, is to dispel stomach

ting it in two 33

pains “The stone of victory” is a variety of it and

Literary accounts of the medieval Islamic

that is why the Turks adorn their swords with it 41

period describe the bejewelled weapons that

The affiliation of the dragon with arms was also

were paraded on ceremonial occasions 34 Sabres

made by the great twelfth-century poet Ilyās

were probably introduced into the central Islamic

lands by the Turkic guard of the ʿAbbasid caliph

ibn yūsuf Niẓāmī Ganjawī (535–40/1141–6–

al-Muʿtaṣim (218/833–227/842), which can be

575–613/1180–217) in his romance Haft Paykar

seen on a representation of a ninth-century wall

(“Seven Portraits”), when he compared to drag-

painting in a building at Nīshāpūr that depicts

ons the blades of the idealised fifth-century Sasa-

a horseman with a belt with hanging straps

nian king Bahrām Gūr’s (Wāhram V, r 420–38)

designed to support a sabre 35 Quillon blocks

army, and its arrows to the serpents of Ẓaḥḥāk,

extending into downward-curving prongs that

the tyrannical foreign ruler of Iran in the Shāh-

terminate in dragon heads are a common fea-

nāma from whose shoulders sprouted the noto-

ture on twelfth- or thirteenth-century sabres or

rious serpents 42 Similarly, the panegyrist and

daggers, as for instance on a gilded copper alloy

epistolographer Rashīd-i Waṭwāṭ (508–9/1114–

sword guard fragment, or a nielloed silver scab-

5–573/1177–8 or 578/1182–3), who was born

bard, both thought to be from Syria or Palestine

in Balkh, and spent most of his life as poet at

and now preserved in the Furusiyya Art Collec-

the court of Khwārazm-shāh Atsїz, writes in his

tion, Vaduz (fig 111) 36 Literary sources such as

dīwān:

the Shāh-nāma similarly use the image of the (ser-

Thousands of lion-hearted and elephant-bodied

pent-)dragon to describe swords, as for instance,

warriors

those belonging to the dragon-fighting Kayanian

Are eaten by dogs [after being slain] by your

king Gushtāsp,37 to Iskandar38 or to Fūr (Porus),

dragon-lance 43

king of India, who stopped Alexander’s advance

in India 39

A thirteenth-century silver chape is completely

The Turks attributed magical properties to jade

covered with the depiction of a pair of upright

(nephrite) and called it the “stone of victory ”

dragons that are addorsed along a central verti-

They used it extensively for fittings of weapons

cal ridge The chape was found together with its

such as handles and quillon blocks, as well as for

long knife in Herat, in present-day Afghanistan,

objects of adornment such as belt fittings and

and is now in the al-Sabāh Collection in Kuwait

32 Jeffers, 1996, p 95

the fourteenth century, is preserved in the Metropolitan

33 Qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ, tr Thackston, 1978, p 223

Museum of Art, inv no 64 133 3 See Melikian-Chirvani,

34 Cf the description of a celebration at the Ghaznawid

1997a, p 159, fig 27

37

sulṭān Masʿūd’s court in 429/1038 by Abu ’l-Faḍl Bayhaqī,

Tr and ed Mohl, 1838–1878, vol 4, p 341, l 728

38

( Taʾrīkh-i Masʿūdī, ed Ghanī and Fayyūḍ, Tehran, 1324/1945,

Idem, vol 4, pp 153, l 628

39

pp 539–41) Cf Bosworth, 1963, pp 135–7

Idem, vol 5, pp 151–5

35

40

The wall painting is now preserved in the National

Melikian-Chirvani, 1997a, pp 131–3

41

Museum of Iran, Tehran Hakimov, 2000, p 445, fig 30

Ed ‘Abbās Zariyāb, Tehran, 1370/1991, p 203, as cited

36 L’art des chevaliers, 2007, p 154, cat no 147 and

in Melikian-Chirvani, 1997a, p 131

42

pp 155–7, cat no 148; Chevaux et cavaliers arabes, 2002,

Tr Meisami, 1993, p 91

43

pp 118–9, cat no 57 An Iranian jade (nephrite) quillon

Ed Nafīsī, S , Tehran, 1960, p 53, cited after Danesh-

block from the hilt of a sword, dated to the first half of

vari, 1993, pp 16–7, n 7

40