In Asadī Ṭūsī’s Garshāsp-nāma the eponymous
of the celebrated feat carried out by Farāmarz,
hero’s victory over the dragon was commemo-
son of Shahrbānū Irem and Rustam, in slaying a
rated by a flag (dirafsh) embellished with the rep-
dragon cal ed hissing serpent (mār-i juwshā) 73 An
resentation of a black dragon (azhdahāy-i siyāh)
extended list of heroes thus seems to have claimed
and a pole surmounted by a golden lion, in turn
the right to own a dragon banner as emblem The
topped by a moon 64 The banner was passed on
visual appropriation of the dragon’s likeness on
to Garshāsp’s descendants and became his fam-
individual and dynastic banners not only com-
ily’s coat of arms 65 Likewise, the standard of the
municated mastery over the mythical creature but
paladin Rustam, whose ancestors are thought to
also implied that through victory the vanquisher
have been Saka people who came to Sakastān/
had been able to appropriate the formidable quali-
Sīstān and Zābulistān in the late second century
ties of the dragon
bc,66 was “blazoned with the dragon’s form and
from its tip a golden lion roars ”67 His grandfather,
The dragon motif on belt/strap fittings and
Sām, also had a dragon banner,68 as did Rustam’s
equestrian accoutrements
son, Farāmarz 69 The Shāh-nāma account records
that when Bahrām Chōbīn received the supreme
Girding with a belt was a rite of passage in all
command, the Sasanian king Hurmuz IV (578–
Central Asian, in particular Iranian, societies from
590) handed him the purple dragon banner with
ancient times 74 Adorned parade belts played an
the words: “you are indeed a second Rustam ”70
important role in the investiture of warriors in
Not only did Bahrām Chōbīn receive the distin-
the Indo-Iranian world and were insignia of cultic
guishing emblem which likened him to the great
or ritual significance as well as symbols of social
hero, but, in addition, he claimed Arsacid Par-
distinction 75 In the Armeno-Parthian dynasty
thian descent and was thus heir to the traditional
the belt was presented to the dihqān s (“members
Arsacid dragon banner 71 Dragon banners bearing
of the lesser feudal nobility”) along with a ring and
the effigy of a gold-coloured dragon without legs
a banner as tokens of royal service 76 The origin
or wings, the open mouth revealing the tongue,
of the custom has been attributed to the sacred
set against red and black grounds alternately,
rope-girdle ( kustī) of the Zoroastrians, for whom,
are featured on a page from a dispersed Shāh-
however, such girding was an act of consecration,
nāma. Painted in Shiraz in 742/1341, the min-
as in the rite of initiation In Turkish and Islamic
iature, which was formerly in the collection of
the prince and the princess Sadruddin Aga Khan,
society the belt was of great importance; it was
now in the Aga Khan Foundation, portrays the
an integral part of male costume, often presented
victory of the dragon-slayer Bīzhan, grandson of
by the ruler, and hence regarded as an insignia
the Iranian commander, Gūdarz, over Hūmān,
of rank 77
brother of the Tūrānian commander, Pīrān;72
The nomadic warrior seems to have been girt
the banners being displayed in commemoration
with a pair of belts78 adorned in accordance with
64
72
Widengren, 1969, p 17, n 35; Asadī Ṭūsī, Garshāsp-
“Victory of Bīzhan over Human ” Page of a dispersed
nāma, pp 49–63 (63 35–6), as cited in Khāleqī-Moṭlaq,
Shāh-nāma Iran, Shiraz 1341 Height 36 9 cm, width 30 7
“Aždahā II,” EIr A dragon-shaped long narrow flag floating
cm Collection of the Prince and the Princess Sadruddin
from the mast of a boat is featured on a ninth-century luster-
Aga Khan, Ms 006/E Chevaux et cavaliers arabes, 2002,
ware plate from Nīshāpūr Papadopoulo, 1979, fig 420
p 161, cat no 119 A further example of a dragon banner
65 Op. cit.
is illustrated in an Ilkhanid-period Shāh-nāma manuscript;
66 De Bruijn, “Rustam,” EI 2 VIII, 636b Cf the discussion
Pope and Ackerman, eds , 1938–9, repr 1964–81, vol 10, pl
in Shahbazi, 1993, pp 157–8
834
67
73
Shāh-nāma, tr and ed Mohl, 1838–1878, vol 3,
Farāmarz-nāma, London, British Museum, Ms Or
p 107, ll 1224–1255, p 113, ll 1292–1293; vol 5, pp 85,
2946, fols 24, 25, as cited in Khāleqī-Moṭlaq, “Aždahā II,”
89; The Tragedy of Sohráb and Rostám, tr and ed Clinton,
EIr 74
1987, pp 95, 549–50 Cf Shahbazi, 1993, p 159; Melikian-
It is of note that the belt did not play an important role
Chirvani, 1998, p 179
in Greek tradition Cf Brentjes, 1989, p 42
68
75
Widengren, 1969, p 17, n 35, with reference to the
Cf Widengren, 1969, pp 21–32
76
Garshāsp-nāma, as also cited by Shahbazi, 1993, p 159
Brentjes, 1989, p 43 The Parthian king Uthal is
69 Khāleqī-Moṭlaq, “Aždahā II,” EIr
depicted with a belt whose central belt plaques are rendered
70 Shāh-nāma, tr and ed Mohl, 1838–1878, vol 6,
with winged and apparently bearded dragons with coiled
pp 587–9, ll 525–31 It is of note that like the dragon ban-
serpentine tails resting on their forelegs See Winkelmann,
ners surrounding Constantine when he entered Rome, as
2004, pp 10–3, fig 5b
77
described by Ammianus Marcellinus (see above), the Shāh-
Cf the discussion of Katharina Otto-Dorn, 1961–2,
nāma account specifies that the colour of Bahrām Chōbīn’s
pp 9–13
78
dragon banner was – just like that of Rustam – purple; tr and
As evidenced for instance by the first-century ad finds
ed Mohl, 1838–1878, vol 6, pp 587–9, ll 525–31
in the Sarmatian kurgan near Porogi, nomadic warriors cus-
71 Shahbazi, “Derafš,” EIr
tomarily wore two belts Simonenko, 1991, p 215, fig 1
the dragon motif on portable objects
43
rank and ancestry 79 Hence on one belt a diago-
Hungary, attributed to the second half of the
nally suspended bow in a long narrow bow-case
seventh century (fig 26) 86 The beast is rendered
and a quiver filled with arrows could be carried,
in profile with elongated open snout, the upper
while a sword or sabre and a dagger might be
lip curving upwards revealing a pointed tongue,
suspended from the second 80 Paired belts, a cer-
crowned by horns or ears, with a beard projecting
emonial main belt and another with straps from
from the chin; the elongated, undulant, serpentine
which the sword and other weapons were sus-
body covered with a spotted pattern is demar-
pended, were, according to the Tarikh-i Bukhārā,
cated by crest-like, spiky protrusions, and rests
worn by the young attendants (bandagān) at the
on three curved legs with pointed protrusions
court of the queen of Bukhara 81 Reports on the
at the feet, probably representing unsheathed
Turks in their homeland emphasise the impor-
claws Depicted at mid-section of the body is what
tance of belts, which in addition to their utili-
appears to be a small version of the dragon An
tarian function served as status symbols The
association of this representation with the Chinese
Turks are described as rich in cattle, horses and
dragon through Byzantine mediation has been
sheep and possessing “many vessels of gold and
proposed by Falko Daim on the grounds that the
silver They have many weapons They have silver
depiction of the dragon is comparatively rare in
belts…”82
Avar iconography 87 Samuel Szádeczky-Kardoss
The Avars, an Ibero-Caucasian people who
however relates this iconography to Hellenistic
were subjects of the Turks, followed in the wake
(that is Seleucid and Parthian) and Sasanian influ-
of the great migrations of nomadic peoples from
ence, while underlining that “the subject matter
the Eurasian steppes, fleeing to the north Cau-
[of the Avars] is taken from the body of beliefs
casus region in 558 and from thence migrating
proper to the peoples of the steppe ”88
westwards 83 Late Avar period iconography is pre-
Belts also had an important ceremonial sig-
served almost exclusively on items of personal
nificance and were a symbol of authority for the
adornment, in particular compartmentalised belt
Samanids, Ghaznawids and Saljuqs 89 Tenth- or
sets with multiple plaques figuring more natu-
eleventh-century Western Central Asian belt
ralistic tamga s in the form of fabulous creatures
hooks were commonly S-shaped with a central
reflecting “ancestral, totemic ideas ”84 Often these
cuboctahedral or spherical knob, terminated at
are shown in combat with ungulates or human
either end by a horned dragon head, one end bent
beings perhaps symbolising “the cycle of death
to a closed position and with a heavy rectangular
and rebirth ” Among the animals another hybrid
strap-slot 90 The dragon heads are shown with the
creature with a long history in the Near East, the
wide-open snouts characteristic of the “Saljuq”
griffin, appears to have been particularly preva-
type, the upper lip curving upwards and reveal-
lent, however the dragon also made an appear-
ing a deep cavity with stumpy fangs A roughly
ance as did natural animals such as horses, eagles
contemporary horned dragon with open snout
and wild boars 85 An elongated silver tongue-strap
and sinuous body also occurs on narrow essen-
fitting (“Hauptriemenzunge”) with one arched
tially rectangular copper alloy belt strap fittings
end featuring a quadruped dragon was unearthed
from present-day Afghanistan, some of which
from grave 292 of an Avar necropolis in Abony,
are gilded 91
79 Szádeczky-Kardoss, 1990, p 126
cat no 271 (catalogue entry by Falko Daim)
80
88
Cf the belts of the sandstone statue of the Śaka
Szádeczky-Kardoss, 1990, p 128 It is interesting to
satrap Caṣṭana (first half of the first century) Czuma, 1985,
observe that a plaque in the form of a reptilian mythical crea-
pp 112–3, cat no 43; Azarpay, 1981, pp 122–5
ture with large gaping snout bearing the images of fish on
81 Schefer, 1892, pp 7–12
its belly, datable between the sixth and the eighth century,
82 Gardīzī, Zayn al-akhbār, in V V Bartol’d (W Barthold),
can be detected among the animal copper alloys from the
Otč o poezdke v Srednyuyu Aziyu s naučnoy tsel’yu 1893–1894
governorate of Perm, north of the Caspian; see Oborin and
gg. , in Zapiski Imperatorskoy Akademii Nauk, ser VII, t i,
Tshagin, 1988, p 93, cat no 69
89
74–175 Pers text and Russ tr repr in Sočineniya, Moscow
Bosworth, 1963, p 38
90
1963–73, vol 8, p 35, cited after Golden, “Pečenengs,” EI²
Several of these examples are preserved in Kuwait,
VIII, 289a
al-Sabāh Collection, Kuwait National Museum, such as inv
83 Pohl, 1988, pp 28–9; Barthold and Golden, “Khazar,”
nos LNS 617 J, LNS 1122 J, LNS 1123 J, LNS 1125 J b, LNS
EI 2 IV, 1172a
2762 J
84
91
Szádeczky-Kardoss, 1990, pp 126–8
See an example in Kuwait, al-Sabāh Collection, Kuwait
85 Pohl, 1988, p 289
National Museum, inv no LNS 3103 J; putative origin:
86 Cf Xi’an, 2006, p 356, cat no 271
Herat, Afghanistan
87 Daim, 2000, pp 134–6, fig 60; Xi’an, 2006, p 356,
44