Beyond the Queer Alphabet by Malinda
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16

LGBT Struggles for Human Dignity and Equal Rights in Uganda

Val Kalende, Episcopal Divinity School

The influence of  the Christian Right on LGBT rights continues to spread beyond the United States. It is productive to examine the nature and impact of  this influence152 on the African continent. As a Ugandan  lesbian  who  grew  up  in  an  evangelical  Christian  household,  I  also  think  it  is  useful  to examine the role and activities of  external actors like the Christian Right in the struggles of  lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people in Uganda. United States evangelicals are one of  the challenges faced by African LGBT movements as they struggle for human dignity and social justice.

Both anti-gay activists and LGBT activists across Africa are fighting on two fronts: a domestic and a foreign battle. For American evangelicals such as Scott Lively,153  Africa is a battle ground to export his  brand  of  anti-gay  theology,  even  as  it  is  being  challenged  in  his  own  country.  For  African politicians and clergy heightened attacks on gay people have become an opportunity to gain votes. For  African  LGBT  activists  it  has  required  us  to  adopt  a  Eurocentric  advocacy  toolkit  which, ironically, is spawning a backlash against us in our own countries. And, on the other hand, for LGBT people in Uganda the anti-gay advocacy154  of  the Christian Right is fuelling overt violence and even death.

In  March  2009,  Scott  Lively  as  well  as  Don  Schmierer  of  Exodus  Internationals,  and  Caleb  Lee Brundidge of  International Healing Foundation, traveled to Uganda to speak at a seminar called Exposing the  Homosexual  Agenda.155   Remember,  Uganda  is  a  country  where  homosexuality  is  already  illegal. Videos of  Lively at the seminar capture him telling his Ugandan audience – a mix of  police officers, members of  Parliament, students, parents, pastors and their congregations – that homosexuals were responsible for the Nazi holocaust and they recruit children into homosexuality. “Nobody has been able to stop [homosexuals] so far,” he agitates. “I’m hoping Uganda can!”

152  Gettleman, J. (2010, January 3). America´s Role Seen in Uganda Anti-Gay Push. New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/04/world/africa/04uganda.html?_r=2

153  Scott Lively. (2010, July 29). Retrieved March 14, 2012 from the Conservapedia: http://www.conservapedia.com/ Scott_Lively

154  Moylan, B. (2010, January 4). Huge in Africa: The American Evangelicals Goading Uganda to Kill Gays. Gawker. Retrieved from http://gawker.com/5439886/

155  Burroway, J. (2010, January 6). BTB Videos: Scott Lively Delivers His “Nuclear Bomb” To Uganda. Box Turtle Bulletin.

Retrieved from http://www.boxturtlebulletin.com/2010/01/06/19081

The  Christian  Right’s  influence  in  Ugandan  politics  does  not  appear  out  of  a  vacuum.  Christian evangelical missions to Africa date back hundreds of  years to European slavery and colonization.156

Here  I  look  at  the  evolution  of  contemporary  Christian  evangelism  and  the  continuing  legacy  of interventionism in Africa, which brought Lively to Uganda.

On 1 January 1980, American Presbyterian minister Francis Schaeffer became the first evangelical preacher  to  stir  political  activism  among  Christian  evangelicals  when  he  delivered  a  speech,  A Christian Manifesto,157  at the Moody Bible Institute in Chicago, Illinois. A strong advocate against the separation  of   church  and  state,  Schaeffer’s  teachings  on  ‘true  Christian  living’  and  opposing humanism spawned a sexual revolution. He’s widely cited as the person who birthed anti-abortion movements among evangelicals. Perhaps less known is the role Schaeffer’s philosophy has played in a  global  anti-gay  movement  that  has  added  a  new  dimension  to  discourse  on  sex  and  sexuality among African Christian-majority societies.

When Christian fundamentalists were debating federally funded abortion clinics and the abolition of mandatory  prayer  in  public  schools,  Schaffer’s  concern  was  also  the  propulsion  of  a  humanistic strain in public education. His interventions followed the common trajectory of  the Christian Right’s protection-of-our-children rhetoric. Schaeffer advocated what he called “true Christian living.” In a nutshell, he preached that humanist secularism was the dominant threat to human existence and had only been made possible by the silence of  Christians. Further – and this is where Uganda enters the picture – Schaeffer advocated “reaching the lost both at home and abroad.” The mission of  saving “the lost” must not stop at American borders, he told his followers; the mission is a universal one.

While  Uganda  has  seen  the  growth  of  an  evangelical  movement  since  the  mid-1970s,  Shaffer’s Manifesto added a new dimension to postcolonial African struggles, including navigating Eurocentric thoughts  and  evangelical  beliefs  on  sex,  sexuality,  and  marriage.  Marriage  according  to  many evangelical preachers is to be understood as an institution of  human service to God. Linked to this conception is a model of  ‘the family’ based on a hierarchical and individualistic paradigm, one runs counter to the values of  traditional African conceptions of  family grounded on communal life.

The export of  evangelical beliefs from the United States to Africa included the condemnation of same-sex relationships because “they are not in line with God’s purpose for procreation.” The latter belief  is  shared  by  evangelical  tradition  and  many  Africans,  but  for  different  reasons.  Ugandans espouse a ‘sex for procreation’ view as a way of  continuing family lineage: one cannot become an ancestor without offspring. On a community level, a person who dies without a child is believed to become an ‘alien spirit.’ In contrast, evangelicals advocate procreation because they believe a non- child bearing sexual relationship is contrary to God’s intent for marriage.

The   fear   associated   with   barren   ‘alien   spirits’   stigmatized   all   childless   people,   whether   the childlessness was caused by barrenness or heterosexuals or homosexuals who choose not to have children. Same-sex relationships in Africa predate colonial times, but it is only now that LGBTs are claiming their independence from cultural ties which requires them to have children or to remain silent. This cultural disruption partly informs why homosexuality or its so-called ‘promotion’158  is perceived as un-African.

Homosexuality  is  not  alien  to  Africa.  Rather,  what  is  alien  to  Africa  is  the  discourse  and  human rights terminology being used by more visible African LGBT movements. The LGBT movement in Uganda has adopted an agenda that defines LGBT rights as human rights precisely to counter an American-inspired movement against us. The visibility of  LGBT activism partly informs the success of  the anti-gay movement – but also vice versa.

In  2010,  a  year  after  the  anti-gay  seminar  in  which  Lively  and  Caleb  Lee  Brundidge  lectured Ugandans on the ‘gay agenda,’ American evangelist and founder of  The Call Ministries, Lou Engel, held  a  prayer  crusade  in  Uganda  where  he  called  on  the  nation  to  repent  for  “the  sin  of homosexuality.”  Engel  echoed  Schaeffer’s  of   anxieties  about  humanism’s  “takeover  of   public schools” and “loss of  religious freedom.”

In  his  Manifesto,  Schaeffer  had  also  advocated  “compassion  for  those  caught  in  the  problem [homosexuality].”  Schaeffer’s “compassion” for homosexuals was echoed in Lively’s introduction at the conference in Kampala. And that same rhetoric of  compassion for homosexuals has spawned ‘gay-change therapy’ clinics in Ugandan churches, such as the one run by anti-gay campaigner Martin Ssempa,159 who claims he is helping homosexuals become straight.

In predominantly Christian countries like Uganda, the church, in collaboration with the state, is less concerned   with   the   abolition   of   prayer   in   public   schools   than   with   the   “promotion   of homosexuality in schools.” The seed of  the idea that Lively had planted earlier – that the threat to children comes from particular secular sections of  the population – had caught politicians in Africa like  a  cold.  Uganda  Member  of  Parliament  David  Bahati  and  President  Yoweri  Museveni160  have both  expressed  fears  about  a  ‘secret  plot’  of  Ugandan  homosexuals  and  their  American  allies  to promote homosexuality in schools. At youth conferences presided over by Uganda’s First Lady, Janet Museveni,161 she addressed the dangers of  the secular world and urged youth to disavow the “curse of  homosexuality” and to embrace “spiritual growth.”

156  Davidson, B. (2008). The Bible and the Gun. (Episode 5). Africa Series. Video retrieved from http:// video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-84165638468056829

157  Schaeffer, F. A. (1982). A Christian Manifesto. Retrieved from http://www.peopleforlife.org/francis.html

158  Uganda’s Museveni against ‘promotion of  homosexuality.’ (2012, February 23).  BBC HARDtalk. Video retrieved from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/hardtalk/9698847.stm

159  Nathan, M. (2011, April 18). Uganda- Watch Martin Ssempa Explain Homosexuality as TWO Calls for Investigation. LezGetReal. Retrieved from http://lezgetreal.com/2011/04/uganda-watch-martin-ssempa-explain-homosexuality-as- two-calls-for-investigation/

160  Kasozi, E. & Ahimbisibwe, P. (2010, June 4). Uganda: Opposed to Homosexuality- Museveni. All Africa. Retrieved from http://allafrica.com/stories/201006040263.html

161  Mugisa, A. & Bwambale, T. (2010, August 10). Janet warns on tribalism, reckless sex. New Vision.  Retrieved from http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/12/728312

Christian  evangelicals  also  advocate  that  the  state  is  God’s  ministry.  Successful  leadership  thus depends on the involvement of  the church in policy making so that governments do not abrogate the authority of  God. As a predominantly religious country, Ugandan political leaders use churches and mosques as their campaigning grounds. As well, part of  their political platforms has included the promise of  restoring the nation’s waning moral sanity. The fight against homosexuality has given them  new  material  to  ensure  their  election  or  re-election,  as  well  as  to  justify  Uganda’s  turn  to militarization, as in the case of  ongoing raids on LGBT organizations and activists.

Kapya Kaoma, the author of  Globalizing of  the Culture Wars: U.S. Conservatives. African Churches, and Homophobia,162 has written that conservative American Christians are building “Christian colonies” in Africa. He examines recent developments in Africa where the introduction of  anti-gay bills can be linked directly to the presence and advocacy of  United States evangelicals in those African countries. What is happening to LGBT people in Uganda corroborates Kaoma’s analysis of  the relationship of the Christian Right to the persecution of  LGBT Ugandans.

Some  critics  of  the  Christian  Right  argue  that  these  neocolonialist  tendencies  are  not  entirely destructive, as some United States evangelicals also fund health and education projects on the Africa continent. But this globalization of  the gospel, I would argue, does not always effect positive social change. In fact, in Uganda, it has spawned sexual violence. Two years after Lively introduced the idea that  homosexuals  are  a  threat  to  peace  and  stability  in  Uganda,  an  anti-gay  bill  was  tabled  in Parliament by Minister of  Parliament David Bahati.163  On January 26, 2011 David Kato,164  one of the founders of  Uganda’s LGBT movement, was murdered after a local newspaper had featured his face with the headline “Hang Them! They Are Coming after Our Children.”165  Since Kato’s death, persecution of  LGBT persons in Uganda continues to escalate. And this persecution does not stop at Ugandan borders. Campaigns to introduce similar anti-gay bills are springing up in several other African countries.

The anti-gay religiosity in Africa has also provided an opportunity for African LGBT movements to make significant social justice strides in a short time. I believe such movements need to be bottom- up approaches that emphasize proactive strategies to address the immediate threats against us. This bottom-up  approach  must  learn  from  other  liberation  struggles  in  Africa.  African  feminists,  for example,  have  built  a  gender  justice  movement  based  on  their  histories,  struggles  and  lived experiences as African women. They understand that their liberation depends on them shaping their own destinies, which includes recognizing education as one of  the most powerful weapons against oppression.  Africa  has  been  able  to  produce  many  feminist  scholars,  theologians,  writers,  and women  leaders  because  liberation  movements  were  mindful  that,  as  Stephen  Bantu  Biko166   said, “The most potent weapon in the hands of  the oppressor is the mind of  the oppressed.”

In order to counter the forces against our liberation, African LGBT movements need to ground our narratives of  liberation in African-centered experiences. We need to speak out against oppression wherever  and  however  it  manifests  itself.  If  African  LGBT  activists  remain  silent  when  donors threaten  to  cut  aid  to  anti-gay  African  countries,  our  silence  will  only  confirm  the  mantra  that homosexuality is imposed on Africa by the West.

Our future as African LGBT movements also depends on our Western allies showing solidarity by following our lead. In the struggle for human dignity and rights, Africans voices must lead the way. We need our own local movements of  LGBT thinkers – academically trained and politically savvy activists – whose voices can be carried into the institutions that currently oppress us. We also need the positive stories of  resistance by our social movements to be recognized and celebrated.

The emergence of  African pro-LGBT movements for social justice in countries like Kenya, Malawi, and  Uganda,  and  of  African  human  rights  activists  creating  safe  spaces  and  positive  change  in extremely hostile environments, is a success story. We need our allies in Western LGBT movements standing with us, and helping us to resist the oppressive impact of  African and western religious movements that advocate denying us our human dignity, rights and full citizenship.

162  Kaoma, K. (2009). Globalizing Culture Wars: U.S. Conservatives, African Churches & Homophobia. Somerville, MA: Political Science Associates. Retrieved from http://www.publiceye.org/publications/globalizing-the-culture-wars/pdf/africa-full- report.pdf

163  Uganda anti-gay bill likely to drop death penalty. (2011, April 26). The Guardian. Retrieved from http:// www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/apr/26/uganda-anti-gay-bill-death-penalty

164  Uganda gay rights activist David Kato killed. (2011, January 27). BBC News Africa. Retrieved from http:// www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-12295718

165  Rice, X. (2010, October 21). Uganda paper calls for gay people to be hanged. The Guardian. Retrieved from http://

166  Biko, S. First liberate the mind. (2008). South Africa. Info. Retrieved from http://www.southafrica.info/about/ history/steve-biko.htm