Save for his raucous, rhapsodical autobiography, "Ecce Homo,""The Antichrist" is the last thing that Nietzsche ever
wrote, and so it may be accepted as a statement of some of his most salient ideas in their final form. Notes for it had
been accumulating for years and it was to have constituted the first volume of his long–projected magnum opus, "The
Will to Power." His full plan for this work, as originally drawn up, was as follows:
Vol. I. The Antichrist: an Attempt at a Criticism of Christianity.
Vol. II. The Free Spirit: a Criticism of Philosophy as a Nihilistic Movement.
Vol. III. The Immoralist: a Criticism of Morality, the Most Fatal Form of Ignorance.
Vol. IV. Dionysus: the Philosophy of Eternal Recurrence.
The first sketches for "The Will to Power" were made in 1884, soon after the publication of the first three parts of "Thus
Spake Zarathustra," and thereafter, for four years, Nietzsche piled up notes. They were written at all the places he
visited on his endless travels in search of health—at Nice, at Venice, at Sils–Maria in the Engadine (for long his favourite
resort), at Cannobio, at Zürich, at Genoa, at Chur, at Leipzig. Several times his work was interrupted by other books, first
by "Beyond Good and Evil," then by "The Genealogy of Morals" (written in twenty days), then by his Wagner pamphlets.
Almost as often he changed his plan. Once he decided to expand "The Will to Power" to ten volumes, with "An Attempt at
a New Interpretation of the World" as a general sub–title. Again he adopted the sub–title of "An Interpretation of All That
Happens." Finally, he hit upon "An Attempt at a Transvaluation of All Values," and went back to four volumes, though with
a number of changes in their arrangement. In September, 1888, he began actual work upon the first volume, and before
the end of the month it was completed. The Summer had been one of almost hysterical creative activity. Since the middle
of June he had written two other small books, "The Case of Wagner" and "The Twilight of the Idols," and before the end
of the year he was destined to write "Ecce Homo." Some time during December his health began to fail rapidly, and soon
after the New Year he was helpless. Thereafter he wrote no more.
The Wagner diatribe and "The Twilight of the Idols" were published immediately, but "The Antichrist" did not get into
type until 1895. I suspect that the delay was due to the influence of the philosopher’s sister, Elisabeth Förster–Nietzsche,
an intelligent and ardent but by no means uniformly judicious propagandist of his ideas. During his dark days of neglect
and misunderstanding, when even family and friends kept aloof, Frau Förster–Nietzsche went with him farther than any
other, but there were bounds beyond which she, also, hesitated to go, and those bounds were marked by crosses. One
notes, in her biography of him—a useful but not always accurate work—an evident desire to purge him of the accusation
of mocking at sacred things. He had, she says, great admiration for "the elevating effect of Christianity… upon the weak
and ailing," and "a real liking for sincere, pious Christians," and "a tender love for the Founder of Christianity." All his
wrath, she continues, was reserved for "St. Paul and his like," who perverted the Beatitudes, which Christ intended for
the lowly only, into a universal religion which made war upon aristocratic values. Here, obviously, one is addressed by an
interpreter who cannot forget that she is the daughter of a Lutheran pastor and the grand–daughter of two others; a
touch of conscience gets into her reading of "The Antichrist." She even hints that the text may have been garbled, after
the author’s collapse, by some more sinister heretic. There is not the slightest reason to believe that any such garbling
ever took place, nor is there any evidence that their common heritage of piety rested upon the brother as heavily as it
rested upon the sister. On the contrary, it must be manifest that Nietzsche, in this book, intended to attack Christianity
headlong and with all arms, that for all his rapid writing he put the utmost care into it, and that he wanted it to be printed
exactly as it stands. The ideas in it were anything but new to him when he set them down. He had been developing them
since the days of his beginning. You will find some of them, clearly recognizable, in the first book he ever wrote, "The
Birth of Tragedy." You will find the most important of all of them—the conception of Christianity as ressentiment—set
forth at length in the first part of "The Genealogy of Morals," published under his own supervision in 1887. And the rest
are scattered through the whole vast mass of his notes, sometimes as mere questionings but often worked out very
carefully. Moreover, let it not be forgotten that it was Wagner’s yielding to Christian sentimentality in "Parsifal" that
transformed Nietzsche from the first among his literary advocates into the most bitter of his opponents. He could forgive
every other sort of mountebankery, but not that. "In me," he once said, "the Christianity of my forbears reaches its logical
conclusion. In me the stern intellectual conscience that Christianity fosters and makes paramount turns against
Christianity. In me Christianity… devours itself."
In truth, the present philippic is as necessary to the completeness of the whole of Nietzsche’s system as the keystone is
to the arch. All the curves of his speculation lead up to it. What he flung himself against, from beginning to end of his
days of writing, was always, in the last analysis, Christianity in some form or other—Christianity as a system of practical
ethics, Christianity as a political code, Christianity as metaphysics, Christianity as a gauge of the truth. It would be
difficult to think of any intellectual enterprise on his long list that did not, more or less directly and clearly, relate itself to
this master enterprise of them all. It was as if his apostasy from the faith of his fathers, filling him with the fiery zeal of the
convert, and particularly of the convert to heresy, had blinded him to every other element in the gigantic self–delusion of
civilized man. The will to power was his answer to Christianity’s affectation of humility and self–sacrifice; eternal
recurrence was his mocking criticism of Christian optimism and millennialism; the superman was his candidate for the
place of the Christian ideal of the "good" man, prudently abased before the throne of God. The things he chiefly argued
for were anti–Christian things—the abandonment of the purely moral view of life, the rehabilitation of instinct, the
dethronement of weakness and timidity as ideals, the renunciation of the whole hocus–pocus of dogmatic religion, the
extermination of false aristocracies (of the priest, of the politician, of the plutocrat), the revival of the healthy, lordly
"innocence" that was Greek. If he was anything in a word, Nietzsche was a Greek born two thousand years too late. His
dreams were thoroughly Hellenic; his whole manner of thinking was Hellenic; his peculiar errors were Hellenic no less.
But his Hellenism, I need not add, was anything but the pale neo–Platonism that has run like a thread through the
thinking of the Western world since the days of the Christian Fathers. From Plato, to be sure, he got what all of us must
get, but his real forefather was Heraclitus. It is in Heraclitus that one finds the germ of his primary view of the universe—a
view, to wit, that sees it, not as moral phenomenon, but as mere aesthetic representation. The God that Nietzsche
imagined, in the end, was not far from the God that such an artist as Joseph Conrad imagines—a supreme craftsman,
ever experimenting, ever coming closer to an ideal balancing of lines and forces, and yet always failing to work out the
final harmony.
The late war, awakening all the primitive racial fury of the Western nations, and therewith all their ancient enthusiasm
for religious taboos and sanctions, naturally focused attention upon Nietzsche, as upon the most daring and provocative
of recent amateur theologians. The Germans, with their characteristic tendency to explain their every act in terms as
realistic and unpleasant as possible, appear to have mauled him in a belated and unexpected embrace, to the horror, I
daresay, of the Kaiser, and perhaps to the even greater horror of Nietzsche’s own ghost. The folks of Anglo–Saxondom,
with their equally characteristic tendency to explain all their enterprises romantically, simultaneously set him up as the
Antichrist he no doubt secretly longed to be. The result was a great deal of misrepresentation and misunderstanding of
him. From the pulpits of the allied countries, and particularly from those of England and the United States, a horde of
patriotic ecclesiastics denounced him in extravagant terms as the author of all the horrors of the time, and in the
newspapers, until the Kaiser was elected sole bugaboo, he shared the honors of that office with von Hindenburg, the
Crown Prince, Capt. Boy–Ed, von Bernstorff and von Tirpitz. Most of this denunciation, of course, was frankly idiotic—
the naïve pishposh of suburban Methodists, notoriety–seeking college professors, almost illiterate editorial writers, and
other such numskulls. In much of it, including not a few official hymns of hate, Nietzsche was gravely discovered to be
the teacher of such spokesmen of the extremest sort of German nationalism as von Bernhardi and von Treitschke—
which was just as intelligent as making George Bernard Shaw the mentor of Lloyd–George. In other solemn
pronunciamentoes he was credited with being philosophically responsible for various imaginary crimes of the enemy—
the wholesale slaughter or mutilation of prisoners of war, the deliberate burning down of Red Cross hospitals, the
utilization of the corpses of the slain for soap–making. I amused myself, in those gaudy days, by collecting newspaper
clippings to this general effect, and later on I shall probably publish a digest of them, as a contribution to the study of war
hysteria. The thing went to unbelievable lengths. On the strength of the fact that I had published a book on Nietzsche in
1906, six years after his death, I was called upon by agents of the Department of Justice, elaborately outfitted with
badges, to meet the charge that I was an intimate associate and agent of "the German monster, Nietzsky." I quote the
official procès verbal, an indignant but often misspelled document. Alas, poor Nietzsche! After all his laborious efforts to
prove that he was not a German, but a Pole—even after his heroic readiness, via anti–anti–Semitism, to meet the
deduction that, if a Pole, then probably also a Jew!
But under all this alarmed and preposterous tosh there was at least a sound instinct, and that was the instinct which
recognized Nietzsche as the most eloquent, pertinacious and effective of all the critics of the philosophy to which the
Allies against Germany stood committed, and on the strength of which, at all events in theory, the United States had
engaged itself in the war. He was not, in point of fact, involved with the visible enemy, save in remote and transient ways;
the German, officially, remained the most ardent of Christians during the war and became a democrat at its close. But he
was plainly a foe of democracy in all its forms, political, religious and epistemological, and what is worse, his opposition
was set forth in terms that were not only extraordinarily penetrating and devastating, but also uncommonly offensive. It
was thus quite natural that he should have aroused a degree of indignation verging upon the pathological in the two
countries that had planted themselves upon the democratic platform most boldly, and that felt it most shaky, one may
add, under their feet. I daresay that Nietzsche, had he been alive, would have got a lot of satisfaction out of the
execration thus heaped upon him, not only because, being a vain fellow, he enjoyed execration as a tribute to his general
singularity, and hence to his superiority, but also and more importantly because, being no mean psychologist, he would
have recognized the disconcerting doubts underlying it. If Nietzsche’s criticism of democracy were as ignorant and empty,
say, as the average evangelical clergyman’s criticism of Darwin’s hypothesis of natural selection, then the advocates of
democracy could afford to dismiss it as loftily as the Darwinians dismiss the blather of the holy clerks. And if his attack
upon Christianity were mere sound and fury, signifying nothing, then there would be no call for anathemas from the
sacred desk. But these onslaughts, in point of fact, have behind them a tremendous learning and a great deal of point
and plausibility—there are, in brief, bullets in the gun, teeth in the tiger,—and so it is no wonder that they excite the ire of
men who hold, as a primary article of belief, that their acceptance would destroy civilization, darken the sun, and bring
Jahveh to sobs upon His Throne.
But in all this justifiable fear, of course, there remains a false assumption, and that is the assumption that Nietzsche
proposed to destroy Christianity altogether, and so rob the plain people of the world of their virtue, their spiritual
consolations, and their hope of heaven. Nothing could be more untrue. The fact is that Nietzsche had no interest
whatever in the delusions of the plain people—that is, intrinsically. It seemed to him of small moment what they believed,
so long as it was safely imbecile. What he stood against was not their beliefs, but the elevation of those beliefs, by any
sort of democratic process, to the dignity of a state philosophy—what he feared most was the pollution and crippling of
the superior minority by intellectual disease from below. His plain aim in "The Antichrist" was to combat that menace by
completing the work begun, on the one hand, by Darwin and the other evolutionist philosophers, and, on the other hand,
by German historians and philologians. The net effect of this earlier attack, in the eighties, had been the collapse of
Christian theology as a serious concern of educated men. The mob, it must be obvious, was very little shaken; even to
this day it has not put off its belief in the essential Christian doctrines. But the intelligentsia, by 1885, had been pretty
well convinced. No man of sound information, at the time Nietzsche planned "The Antichrist," actually believed that the
world was created in seven days, or that its fauna was once overwhelmed by a flood as a penalty for the sins of man, or
that Noah saved the boa constrictor, the prairie dog and the pediculus capitis by taking a pair of each into the ark, or
that Lot’s wife was turned into a pillar of salt, or that a fragment of the True Cross could cure hydrophobia. Such notions,
still almost universally prevalent in Christendom a century before, were now confined to the great body of ignorant and
credulous men—that is, to ninety–five or ninety–six percent. of the race. For a man of the superior minority to subscribe
to one of them publicly was already sufficient to set him off as one in imminent need of psychiatrical attention. Belief in
them had become a mark of inferiority, like the allied belief in madstones, magic and apparitions.
But though the theology of Christianity had thus sunk to the lowly estate of a mere delusion of the rabble, propagated
on that level by the ancient caste of sacerdotal parasites, the ethics of Christianity continued to enjoy the utmost
acceptance, and perhaps even more acceptance than ever before. It seemed to be generally felt, in fact, that they simply
must be saved from the wreck—that the world would vanish into chaos if they went the way of the revelations supporting
them. In this fear a great many judicious men joined, and so there arose what was, in essence, an absolutely new
Christian cult—a cult, to wit, purged of all the supernaturalism superimposed upon the older cult by generations of
theologians, and harking back to what was conceived to be the pure ethical doctrine of Jesus. This cult still flourishes;
Protestantism tends to become identical with it; it invades Catholicism as Modernism; it is supported by great numbers of
men whose intelligence is manifest and whose sincerity is not open to question. Even Nietzsche himself yielded to it in
weak moments, as you will discover on examining his somewhat laborious effort to make Paul the villain of Christian
theology, and Jesus no more than an innocent bystander. But this sentimental yielding never went far enough to distract
his attention for long from his main idea, which was this: that Christian ethics were quite as dubious, at bottom, as
Christian theology—that they were founded, just as surely as such childish fables as the story of Jonah and the whale,
upon the peculiar prejudices and credulities, the special desires and appetites, of inferior men—that they warred upon
the best interests of men of a better sort quite as unmistakably as the most extravagant of objective superstitions. In brief,
what he saw in Christian ethics, under all the poetry and all the fine show of altruism and all the theoretical benefits
therein, was a democratic effort to curb the egoism of the strong—a conspiracy of the chandala against the free
functioning of their superiors, nay, against the free progress of mankind. This theory is the thing he exposes in "The
Antichrist," bringing to the business his amazingly chromatic and exigent eloquence at its finest flower. This is the
"conspiracy" he sets forth in all the panoply of his characteristic italics, dashes, sforzando interjections and exclamation
points.
Well, an idea is an idea. The present one may be right and it may be wrong. One thing is quite certain: that no progress
will be made against it by denouncing it as merely immoral. If it is ever laid at all, it must be laid evidentially, logically. The
notion to the contrary is thoroughly democratic; the mob is the most ruthless of tyrants; it is always in a democratic
society that heresy and felony tend to be most constantly confused. One hears without surprise of a Bismarck
philosophizing placidly (at least in his old age) upon the delusion of Socialism and of a Frederick the Great playing the
hose of his cynicism upon the absolutism that was almost identical with his own person, but men in the mass never brook
the destructive discussion of their fundamental beliefs, and that impatience is naturally most evident in those societies in
which men in the mass are most influential. Democracy and free speech are not facets of one gem; democracy and free
speech are eternal enemies. But in any battle between an institution and an idea, the idea, in the long run, has the better
of it. Here I do not venture into the absurdity of arguing that, as the world wags on, the truth always survives. I believe
nothing of the sort. As a matter of fact, it seems to me that an idea that happens to be true—or, more exactly, as near to
truth as any human idea can be, and yet remain generally intelligible—it seems to me that such an idea carries a special
and often fatal handicap. The majority of men prefer delusion to truth. It soothes. It is easy to grasp. Above all, it fits more
snugly than the truth into a universe of false appearances—of complex and irrational phenomena, defectively grasped.
But though an idea that is true is thus not likely to prevail, an idea that is attacked enjoys a great advantage. The
evidence behind it is now supported by sympathy, the sporting instinct, sentimentality—and sentimentality is as powerful
a s an army with banners. One never hears of a martyr in history whose notions are seriously disputed today. The
forgotten ideas are those of the men who put them forward soberly and quietly, hoping fatuously that they would conquer
by the force of their truth; these are the ideas that we now struggle to rediscover. Had Nietzsche lived to be burned at the
stake by outraged Mississippi Methodists, it would have been a glorious day for his doctrines. As it is, they are helped on
their way every time they are denounced as immoral and against God. The war brought down upon them the
maledictions of vast herds of right–thinking men. And now "The Antichrist," after fifteen years of neglect, is being
reprinted…
One imagines the author, a sardonic wraith, snickering somewhat sadly over the fact. His shade, wherever it suffers, is
favoured in these days by many such consolations, some of them of much greater horsepower. Think of the facts and
arguments, even the underlying theories and attitudes, that have been borrowed from him, consciously and
unconsciously, by the foes of Bolshevism during these last thrilling years! The face of democracy, suddenly seen
hideously close, has scared the guardians of the reigning plutocracy half to death, and they have gone to the devil
himself for aid. Southern Senators, almost illiterate men, have mixed his acids with well water and spouted them like
affrighted geysers, not knowing what they did. Nor are they the first to borrow from him. Years ago I called attention to
the debt incurred with characteristic forgetfulness of obligation by the late Theodore Roosevelt, in "The Strenuous Life"
and elsewhere. Roosevelt, a typical apologist for the existing order, adeptly dragging a herring across the trail whenever
it was menaced, yet managed to delude the native boobery, at least until toward the end, into accepting him as a fiery
exponent of pure democracy. Perhaps he even fooled himself; charlatans usually do so soon or late. A study of
Nietzsche reveals the sources of much that was honest in him, and exposes the hollowness of much that was sham.
Nietzsche, an infinitely harder and more courageous intellect, was incapable of any such confusion of ideas; he seldom
allowed sentimentality to turn him from the glaring fact. What is called Bolshevism today he saw clearly a generation ago
and described for what it was and is—democracy in another aspect, the old ressentiment of the lower orders in free
function once more. Socialism, Puritanism, Philistinism, Christianity—he saw them all as allotropic forms of democracy,
as variations upon the endless struggle of quantity against quality, of the weak and timorous against the strong and
enterprising, of the botched against the fit. The world needed a staggering exaggeration to make it see even half of the
truth. It trembles today as it trembled during the French Revolution. Perhaps it would tremble less if it could combat the
monster with a clearer conscience and less burden of compromising theory—if it could launch its forces frankly at the
fundamental doctrine, and not merely employ them to police the transient orgy.
Nietzsche, in the long run, may help it toward that greater honesty. His notions, propagated by cuttings from cuttings
from cuttings, may conceivably prepare the way for a sounder, more healthful theory of society and of the state, and so
free human progress from the stupidities which now hamper it, and men of true vision from the despairs which now
sicken them. I say it is conceivable, but I doubt that it is probable. The soul and the belly of mankind are too evenly
balanced; it is not likely that the belly will ever put away its hunger or forget its power. Here, perhaps, there is an
example of the eternal recurrence that Nietzsche was fond of mulling over in his blacker moods. We are in the midst of
one of the perennial risings of the lower orders. It got under way long before any of the current Bolshevist demons was
born; it was given its long, secure start by the intolerable tyranny of the plutocracy—the end product of the Eighteenth
Century revolt against the old aristocracy. It found resistance suddenly slackened by civil war within the plutocracy itself
—one gang of traders falling upon another gang, to the tune of vast hymn–singing and yells to God. Perhaps it has
already passed its apogee; the plutocracy, chastened, shows signs of a new solidarity; the wheel continues to swing
'round. But this combat between proletariat and plutocracy is, after all, itself a civil war. Two inferiorities struggle for the
privilege of polluting the world. What actual difference does it make to a civilized man, when there is a steel strike,
whether the workmen win or the mill–owners win? The conflict can interest him only as spectacle, as the conflict between
Bonaparte and the old order in Europe interested Goethe and Beethoven. The victory, whichever way it goes, will simply
bring chaos nearer, and so set the stage for a genuine revolution later on, with (let us hope) a new feudalism or
something better coming out of it, and a new Thirteenth Century at dawn. This seems to be the slow, costly way of the
worst of habitable worlds.
In the present case my money is laid upon the plutocracy. It will win because it will be able, in the long run, to enlist the
finer intelligences. The mob and its maudlin causes attract only sentimentalists and scoundrels, chiefly the latter. Politics,
under a democracy, reduces itself to a mere struggle for office by flatterers of the proletariat; even when a superior man
prevails at that disgusting game he must prevail at the cost of his self–respect. Not many superior men make the attempt.
The average great captain of the rabble, when he is not simply a weeper over irremediable wrongs, is a hypocrite so far
gone that he is unconscious of his own hypocrisy—a slimy fellow, offensive to the nose. The plutocracy can recruit
measurably more respectable janissaries, if only because it can make self–interest less obviously costly to amour propre.
Its defect and its weakness lie in the fact that it is still too young to have acquired dignity. But lately sprung from the mob
it now preys upon, it yet shows some of the habits of mind of that mob: it is blatant, stupid, ignorant, lacking in all delicate
instinct and