The making of religion by Andrew Lang. - HTML preview

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annihilate the old theory of Degeneration when it is presented in this

form.

It mast be repeated that on this theory an explanation is given of what

the old Degeneration hypothesis does not explain. Granting a primal

religion relatively pure in its beginnings, why did it degenerate?

Mr. Max Mul et, looking on religion as the development of the sentiment of the Infinite, regards fetishism as a secondary and comparatively late form of belief. We find it, he observes, in various forms of Christianity;

Christianity, therefore, is primary there, relic worship is secondary.

Religion beginning, according to him, in the sense of the infinite, as

awakened in man by tal trees, high hills, and so on, it advances to the

infinite of space and sky, and so to the infinitely divine. This is

primary: fetishism is secondary. Arguing elsewhere against this idea, I

have asked: What was the _modus_ of degeneration which produced similar

results in Christianity, and in African and other religions? How did it

work? I am not aware that Mr. Max Mueller has answered this question.

But how degeneration worked--namely, by Animism supplanting Theism--is

conspicuously plain on our theory.

Take the early chapters of Genesis, or any savage cosmogonic myth you

please. Deathless man is face to face with the Creator. He cannot

degenerate in religion. He cannot offer sacrifice, for the Creator

obviously needs nothing, and again, as there is no death, he cannot slay

animals for the Creator. But, in one way or another, usual y by breach of

a taboo, Death enters the world. Then comes, by process of evolution,

belief in hungry spirits, belief in spirits who may inhabit stones or

sticks; again there arise priests who know how to propitiate spirits

and how to tempt them into sticks and stones. These arts become lucrative

and are backed by the cleverest men, and by the apparent evidence of

prophecies by convulsionaries. Thus every known kind of degeneration in

religion is inevitably introduced as a result of the theory of Animism. We do not need an hypothesis of Original Sin as a cause of degeneration, and, if Mr. Max Muel er's doctrine of the Infinite were _viable_, we have

supplied, in Animism, under advancing social conditions, what he does not

seem to provide, a cause and _modus_ of degeneration. Fetishism would

thus be real y 'secondary,' _ex hypothesi_, but as we nowhere find

Fetishism alone, without the other elements of religion, we cannot say,

historically, whether it is secondary or not. Fetishism logically needs,

in some of its aspects, the doctrine of spirits, and Theism, in what we

take to be its earliest known form, does not logical y need the doctrine

of spirits as given matter. So far we can go, but not farther, as to the

fact of priority in evolution. Nevertheless we meet, among the most

backward peoples known to us, among men just emerged from the palaeolithic stage of culture, men who are involved in dread of ghosts, a religious

Idea which certainly is not born of ghost-worship, for by these men,

ancestral ghosts are not worshipped.

In their hearts, on their lips, in their moral training we find (however

blended with barbarous absurdities, and obscured by rites of another

origin) the faith in a Being who created or constructed the world; who was from time beyond memory or conjecture; who is primal, who makes for

righteousness, and who loves mankind. This Being has not the notes of

degeneration; his home is 'among the stars,' not in a hill or in a house.

To him no altar smokes, and for him no blood is shed.

'God, that made the world and all things therein, seeing that He is lord

of heaven and earth, dwel eth not in temples made with hands; neither is

worshipped with men's hands, as though He needed any thing ... and hath

made of one blood all nations of men ... that they should seek the Lord,

if haply they might feel after Him, and find Him, though He be not far

from every one of us: for in Him we live, and move, and have our being.'

That the words of St. Paul are literal y true, as to the feeling after a

God who needs not anything at man's hands, the study of anthropology seems to us to demonstrate. That in this God 'we have our being,' in so far

as somewhat of ours may escape, at moments, from the bonds of Time and the manacles of Space, the earlier part of this treatise is intended to

suggest, as a thing by no means necessarily beyond a reasonable man's

power to conceive. That these two beliefs, however attained (a point on

which we possess no positive evidence), have commonly been subject to

degeneration in the religions of the world, is only too obvious.

So far, then, the nature of things and of the reasoning faculty does not

seem to give the lie to the old Degeneration theory.

To these conclusions, as far as they are matters of scientific opinion, we have been led by nothing but the study of anthropology.

[Footnote 1: _Myths of the New World_, p. 44.]

[Footnote 2: _Prim. Cult_. i. 35.]

[Footnote 3: _Introduction_, p. 199; also p. 161.]

[Footnote 4: _Prim. Cult_. ii. 360,361.]

[Footnote 5: Prof. Menzies, _History of Religion_, p. 23.]

[Footnote 6: [Greek: legomenai theion anagchai.] Porphyry.]

[Footnote 7: Ixtlilochitl. Balboa, _Hist. du Perou_, p. 62.]

[Footnote 8: Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_, pp. 104, 105.]

[Footnote 9: Op. cit. p. 106.]

[Footnote 10: On the Glenelg some caves and mountain tops are haunted or

holy. Waitz, vi. 804, No authority cited.]

[Footnote 11: _Religion of Semites_, p. 110.]

[Footnote 12: _Rel. Sem_. p. 71.]

[Footnote 13: Howitt, _J.A.T_. 1884, p. 187.]

[Footnote 14: Op. cit. p. 188.]

[Footnote 15: _Rel. Sem_. p. 207.]

[Footnote 16: _Rel. Sem_. p. 225.]

[Footnote 17: Op. cit. p. 247.]

[Footnote 18: Op. cit. p. 269.]

[Footnote 19: Op. cit. p. 277.]

[Footnote 20: Op. cit. p. 343. Citing Gen. xxii 2 Kings xxi. 6, Micah

vi. 7, 2 Kings iii. 27.]

[Footnote 21: I mean, does not occur to my knowledge. New evidence is

always upsetting anthropological theories.]

XVI

THEORIES OF JEHOVAH

Al speculation on the curly history of religion is apt to end in the

endeavour to see how far the conclusions can be made to illustrate the

faith of Israel. Thus, the theorist who believes in ancestor-worship as

the key of al the creeds will see in Jehovah a developed ancestral

ghost, or a kind of fetish-god, attached to a stone--perhaps an ancient

sepulchral stele of some desert sheikh.

The exclusive admirer of the hypothesis of Totemism will find evidence for his belief in worship of the golden calf and the bul s. The partisan of

nature-worship will insist on Jehovah's connection with storm, thunder,

and the fire of Sinai. On the other hand, whoever accepts our suggestions

will incline to see, in the early forms of belief in Jehovah, a shape of

the widely diffused conception of a Moral Supreme Being, at first (or, at

least, when our information begins) envisaged in anthropomorphic form,

but gradually purged of all local traits by the unexampled and unique

inspiration of the great Prophets. They, as far as our knowledge extends,

were strangely indifferent to the animistic element in religion, to the

doctrine of surviving human souls, and so, of course, to that element

of Animism which is priceless--the purification of the soul in the light

of the hope of eternal life. Just as the hunger after righteousness of the Prophets is intense, so their hope of final y sating that hunger

in an eternity of sinless bliss and enjoyment of God is confessedly

inconspicuous. In short, they have carried Theism to its austere

extreme--'though He slay me, yet will I trust in Him'--while unconcerned

about the rewards of Animism. This is certainly a strange result of a

religion which, according to the anthropological theory, has Animism for

its basis.

We therefore examine certain forms of the animistic hypothesis as applied

to account for the religion of Israel. The topic is one in which special

knowledge of Hebrew and other Oriental languages seems absolutely

indispensable; but anthropological speculators have not been Oriental

scholars (with rare exceptions), while some Oriental scholars have

borrowed from popular anthropology without much critical discrimination.

These circumstances must be our excuse for venturing on to this difficult

ground.

It is probably impossible for us to trace with accuracy the rise of the

religion of Jehovah. 'The wise and learned' dispute endlessly over dates

of documents, over the amount of later doctrine interpolated into

the earlier texts, over the nature, source, and quantity of foreign

influence--Chaldaean, Accadian, Egyptian, or Assyrian. We know that Israel had, in an early age, the conception of the moral Eternal; we know that,

at an early age, that conception was contaminated and anthropomorphised;

and we know that it was rescued, in a great degree, from this corruption,

while always retaining its original ethical aspect and sanction. Why

matters went thus in Israel and not elsewhere we know not, except that

such was the will of God in the mysterious education of the world. How

mysterious that education has been is best known to all who have studied

the political and social results of Totemism. On the face of it a

perfectly crazy and degrading belief--on the face of it meant for nothing

but to make the family a hell of internecine hatred--Totemism rendered

possible--nay, inevitable--the union of hostile groups into large and

relatively peaceful tribal societies. Given the materials as we know them, we never should have educated the world thus; and we do not see why it

should thus have been done. But we are very anthropomorphic, and totally

ignorant of the conditions of the problem.

An example of anthropological theory concerning Jehovah was put forth by

Mr. Huxley.[1] Mr. Huxley's general idea of religion as it is on the

lowest known level of material culture--through which the ancestors of

Israel must have passed like other people--has already been criticised.

He denied to the most backward races both cult and religious sanction of

ethics. He was demonstrably, though unconsciously, in error as to the

facts, and therefore could not start from the idea that Israel, in the

lowest historically known condition of savagery, possessed, or, like other races, might possess, the belief in an Eternal making for righteousness.

'For my part,' he says, 'I see no reason to doubt that, like the

rest of the world, the Israelites had passed through a period of mere

ghost-worship, and had advanced through ancestor-worship and Fetishism and Totemism to the theological level at which we find them in the Books of

Judges and Samuel.'[2]

But why does he think the Israelites did all this? The Hebrew ghosts,

abiding, according to Mr. Huxley, in a rather torpid condition in Sheol,

would not be of much practical use to a worshipper. A reference in

Deuteronomy xxvi. 14 (Deuteronomy being, _ex hypothesi_, a late pious

imposture) does not prove much. The Hebrew is there bidden to remind

himself of the stay of his ancestors in Egypt, and to say, 'Of the

hal owed things I have not given aught for the dead'--namely, of the

tithes dedicated to the Levites and the poor. A race which abode for

centuries among the Egyptians, as Israel did--among a people who

elaborately fed the _kas_ of the departed--might pick up a trace of a

custom, the giving of food for the dead, still persevered in by St. Monica till St. Ambrose admonished her. But Mr. Huxley is hard put to it for

evidence of ancestor-worship or ghost-worship in Israel when he looks for

indications of these rites in 'the singular weight attached to the

veneration of parents in the Fourth Commandment.'[3] The _Fourth_

Commandment, of course, is a slip of the pen. He adds: 'The Fifth

Commandment, as it stands, would be an excel ent compromise between

ancestor-worship and Monotheism.' Long may children practise this

excel ent compromise! It is real y too far-fetched to reason thus: 'People were bidden to honour their parents, as a compromise between Monotheism

and ghost-worship.' Hard, hard bestead is he who has to reason in that

fashion! This comes of 'training in the use of the weapons of precision of science.'

Mr. Huxley goes on: 'The Ark of the Covenant may have been a relic of

ancestor-worship;' 'there is a good deal to be said for that speculation.'

Possibly there is, by way of the valuable hypothesis that Jehovah was a

fetish stone which had been a grave-stone, or perhaps a _lingam_, and was

kept in the Ark on the plausible pretext that it was the two Tables of

the Law!

However, Mr. Huxley real y finds it safer to suppose that references to

ancestor-worship in the Bible were obliterated by late monotheistic

editors, who, none the less, are so full and minute in their descriptions

of the various heresies into which Israel was eternal y lapsing, and must

not be al owed to lapse again. Had ancestor-worship been a _peche mignon_

of Israel, the Prophets would have let Israel hear their mind on it.

The Hebrews' indifference to the departed soul is, in fact, a puzzle,

especially when we consider their Egyptian education--so important an

element in Mr. Huxley's theory.

Mr. Herbert Spencer is not more successful than Mr. Huxley in finding

ancestor-worship among the Hebrews. On the whole subject he writes:

'Where the levels of mental nature and social progress are lowest, we

usual y find, along with an absence of religious ideas general y, an

absence, or very slight development, of ancestor-worship.... Cook

[Captain Cook], tel ing us what the Fuegians were before contact

with Europeans had introduced foreign ideas, said there were no

appearances of religion among them; and we are not told by him or others

that they were ancestor-worshippers.'[4]

Probably they are not; but they do possess a Being who reads their hearts, and who certainly shows no traces of European ideas. If the Fuegians

are not ancestor-worshippers, this Being was not developed out of

ancestor-worship.

The evidence of Captain Cook, no anthropologist, but a mariner who saw and knew little of the Fuegians, is precisely of the sort against which Major

El is warns us.[5] The more a religion consists in fear of a moral

guardian of conduct, the less does it show itself, by sacrifice or rite,

to the eyes of Captain Cook, of his Majesty's ship _Endeavour_. Mr.

Spencer places the Andamanese on the same level as the Fuegians, 'so far

as the scanty evidence may be trusted.' We have shown that (as known

to Mr. Spencer in 1876) it may not be trusted at all; the Andamanese

possessing a moral Supreme Being, though they are not, apparently,

ancestor-worshippers. The Australians 'show us not much persistence in

ghost-propitiation,' which, if it exists, ceases when the corpses are tied up and buried, or after they are burned, or after the bones, carried about for a while, are exposed on platforms. Yet many Australian tribes possess

a moral Supreme Being.

In fact ghost-worship, in Mr. Spencer's scheme, cannot be fairly well

developed till society reaches the level of 'settled groups whose

burial-places are in their midst.' Hence the development of a moral

Supreme Being among tribes _not_ thus settled, is inconceivable, on

Mr. Spencer's hypothesis.[6] By that hypothesis, 'worshipped ancestors,

according to their remoteness, were regarded as divine, semi-divine, and

human.'[7] Where we find, then, the Divine Being among nomads who do not

remember their great-grandfathers, the Spencerian theory is refuted by

facts. We have the effect, the Divine Being, without the cause, worship of ancestors.

Coming to the Hebrews, Mr. Spencer argues that 'the silence of their

legends (as to ancestor-worship) is but a negative fact, which may be as

misleading as negative facts usually are.' They are, indeed; witness

Mr. Spencer's own silence about savage Supreme Beings. But we may fairly

argue that if Israel had been given to ancestor-worship (as might partly

be surmised from the mystery about the grave of Moses) the Prophets would

not have spared them for their crying. The Prophets were unusually

outspoken men, and, as they undeniably do scold Israel for every other

kind of conceivable heresy, they were not likely to be silent about

ancestor-worship, if ancestor-worship existed. Mr. Spencer, then, rather

heedlessly, though correctly, argues that 'nomadic habits are unfavourable to evolution of the ghost-theory.'[8] Alas, this gives away the whole

case! For, if al men began as nomads, and nomadic habits are unfavourable even to the ordinary ghost, how did the Australian and other nomads

develop the Supreme Being, who, _ex hypothesi_, is the final fruit of the

ghost-flower? If you cannot have 'an established ancestor-worship' till

you abandon nomadic habits, how, while still nomadic, do you evolve a

Supreme Being? Obviously not out of ancestor-worship.

Mr. Spencer then assigns, as evidence for ancestor-worship in Israel,

mourning dresses, fasting, the law against self-bleeding and cutting off

the hair for the dead, and the text (Deut. xxvi. 14) about 'I have not

given aught thereof for the dead.' 'Hence, the conclusion must be that

ancestor-worship had developed as far as nomadic habits allowed, before it was repressed by a higher worship.'[9] But whence came that higher worship which seems to have intervened immediately after the cessation of nomadic

habits?

There are obvious traces of grief expressed in a primitive way among the

Hebrews. 'Ye shal not cut yourselves, nor make any baldness between your

eyes for the dead' (Deut. xiv. 1). 'Neither shal men lament for them,

nor cut themselves, nor make themselves bald for them; neither shall men

tear themselves for them in mourning, to comfort them for the dead' (by

way of counter-irritant to grief); 'neither shall men give them the cup

of consolation to drink for their father or their mother,' because the

Jews were to be removed from their homes.[10] 'Ye shal not make any

cuttings in your flesh for the dead, nor print any marks upon you.'[11]

It may be usual to regard inflictions, such as cutting, by mourners, as

sacrifices to the ghost of the dead. But one has seen a man strike himself a heavy blow on receiving news of a loss _not_ by death, and I venture to

fancy that cuttings and gashings at funerals are merely a more violent

form of appeal to a counter-irritant of grief, and, again, a token of

recklessness caused by a sorrow which makes void the world. One of John

Nicholson's native adorers killed himself on news of that warrior's death, saying, 'What is left worth living for?' This was not a sacrifice to the

Manes of Nicholson. The sacrifice of the mourner's hair, as by Achilles,

argues a similar indifference to personal charm. Once more, the text in

Psalm cvi. 28, 'They joined themselves unto Baal-Peor, and ate the

sacrifices of the dead,' is usual y taken by commentators as a reference

to the ritual of gods who are no gods. But it rather seems to indicate an

acquiescence in foreign burial rites. Al this additional evidence does

not do much to prove ancestor-worship in Israel, though the secrecy of the burial of Moses, 'in a valley of the land of Moab, over against Beth-peor; but no man knoweth of his sepulchre to this day,' may indicate a dread of

a nascent worship of the great leader.[12] The scene of the defection in

Psalm cvi., Beth-peor, is indicated in Numbers xxv., where Israel runs

after the girls and the gods of Moab: 'And Moab called the people unto the sacrifices of their gods; and the people did eat, and bowed down to their

gods. And Israel joined himself unto Baal-peor.' Psalm cvi. is obviously a later restatement of this addiction to the Moabite gods, and the Psalm

adds 'they ate the sacrifices of the dead.'

It is plain that, for whatever reason, ancestor-worship among the Hebrews

was, at the utmost, rudimentary. Otherwise it must have been clearly

denounced by the Prophets among the other heresies of Israel. Therefore,

as being at the most rudimentary, ancestor-worship in Israel could not be

developed at once into the worship of Jehovah.

Though ancestor-worship among the Hebrews could not be fully developed,

according to Mr. Spencer, because of their nomadic habits, it _was_ ful y

developed, according to the Rev. A.W. Oxford. 'Every family, like every

old Roman and Greek family, was firmly held together by the worship of its ancestors, the hearth was the altar, the head of the family the priest....

The bond which kept together the families of a tribe was its common

religion, the worship of its reputed ancestor. The chief of the tribe was, of course, the priest of the cult.' Of course; but what a pity that Mr.

Huxley and Mr. Spencer omitted facts so invaluable to their theory! And

how does the Rev. Mr. Oxford know? Wel , 'there is no direct proof,'

oddly enough, of so marked a feature in Hebrew religion but we are

referred to 1 Sam. xx. 29 and Judges xviii. 19. 1 Sam. xx. 29 makes

Jonathan say that David wants to go to a family sacrifice, that is, a

family dinner party. This hardly covers the large assertions made by

Mr. Oxford. His second citation is so unlucky as to contradict his

observation that 'of course' the chief of the tribe was the priest of the

cult. Micah, in Judges xvii., xviii., is _not_ the chief of his tribe

(Ephraim), neither is he even the priest in his own house. He 'consecrated one of his own sons who became his priest,' till he got hold of a casual

young Levite, and said, 'Be unto me a _father_ and a priest,' for ten

shekels _per annum_, a suit of clothes, and board and lodging.

In place, then, of any remote reference to a chief's being priest of his

ancestral ghosts, we have here a man of one tribe who is paid rather

handsomely to be family chaplain to a member of another tribe. Some

moss-troopers of the tribe of Dan then kidnapped this valuable young

Levite, and seized a few idols which Micah had permitted himself to make.

And al this, according to our clerical authority, is evidence for

ancestor-worship![13]

Al this appears to be derived from some incoherent speculations of Stade.

For example, that learned German cites the story of Micah as a proof that

the different tribes or clans had different religions. This _must_ be so,

because the Danites asked the young Levite whether it was not better to be priest to a clan than to an individual? It is as if a patron offered a

rich living to somebody's private chaplain, saying that the new position

was more creditable and lucrative. This would hardly prove a difference of religion between the individual and the parish.[14]

Mr. Oxford next avers that 'the earliest form of the Israelite religion

was Fetishism or Totemism.' This is another example of Stade's logic.

Finding, as he believes, names suggestive of Totemism in Simeon, Levi,

Rachel, and so on, Stade leaps to the conclusion that Totemism in Israel

was prior to anything resembling monotheism. For monotheism, he argues,

could not give the germs of the clan or tribal organisation, while Totemism could do so. Certainly it could, but as, in many regions (America,

Australia), we find Totemism and the belief in a benevolent Supreme Being

co-existing among savages, when first observed by Europeans, we cannot

possibly say dogmatical y whether a rough monotheism or whether Totemism

came first in order of evolution. This holds as good of Israel (if once

totemistic) as it does of Pawnees or Kurnai. Stade has overlooked these

wel -known facts, and his opinion filters into a cheap hand-book, and is

set in examinations![15]

We also learn from Mr. Oxford's popular manual of German Biblical

conjecture that 'Jehovah was not represented as a loving Father, but as a

Being easily roused to wrath,' a thing most incident to loving fathers.

Again, Mr. Oxford avers that 'the old Israelites knew no distinction

between physical and moral evil.... The conception of Jehovah's holiness

had nothing moral in it' (p. 90). This rather contradicts Wel hausen: 'In

all ancient primitive peoples ... religion furnishes a motive for law and

morals; in the case of none did it become so with such purity and power as in that of the Israelites.'[16]

We began by examining Mr. Huxley's endeavours to find traces of

ancestor-worship (in his opinion the origin of Jehovah-worship) among the

Israelites. We next criticised Mr. Spencer's efforts in the same quest,

and the more dogmatic assertions of Mr. Oxford and Stade. We now return to Mr. Huxley's account of the evolution from ghost-cult to the cult of

Jehovah.

From the history of the Witch of Endor, which Mr. Huxley sees no reason to regard as other than a sincere statement of what real y occurred, he

gathers that the Witch cried out, 'I see Elohim.' These Elohim proved to

be the phantasm of the dead Samuel. Moved by this halluc