5
Rajiv Gandhi taking the oath of office at 1845 hours (with three members of cabinet) gave him the wherewithal to “teach the Sikhs a lesson”. He did with a vengeance. He kept aloof the Home Minister, PV Narasimha Rao from Delhi, and took it over the policeview management himself.
The Congress (I) set up got two full days and three nights to wreck a vengeance on the Sikhs. Delhi Transport Corporation (DTC) buses were commissioned to fetch people from Haryana and rural areas throughout the night.
It was for the first time after independence that places of religious worship of a community were sought to be destroyed wholesale. It was worse, as recorded by Misra Commission, the lumpen elements under Congress (I)’s inspiration defecated at Sri Guru Granth Sahib and Sikh religious literature on a large scale. They acted the way their ancestors had done with the Buddhist holy places and holy books in the 9th century. In the present case, they did that with full state support – of the Prime Minister and his party stalwarts whose hands were soaked in Sikhs blood; of the police which either actively participated with the mobs, or where required deprived the Sikhs of their licensed weapons to the glee of the unruly-hoodlums, or stood by; of the DTC which diverted its buses to Haryana and to rural areas to gather together lumpen elements at the instance of Congress (I) leaders; of the Doordarshan (Indian TV) which carried slogans of Sardar, Quam ke Ghaddar (Sikhs, traitors to the nation) and khoon ka badla khoon se (blood for blood) raised by lumpen elements at Indira’s dead body which lay in state; of the judiciary which made no suo moto move to discipline the state after gruesome details of happenings, for instance in Block 2 of Trilokpuri, were published by the media. It was a case of silent anti-Sikh conspiracy, the upshot of months of Goebblian-type propaganda painting the Sikhs in lurid colours.
No distinction was made between one set of the Sikhs as against the other. The Sikhs associated with Congress (I) were not spared. So was the case with Harkrishan Singh Surjeet, termed as Indira’s agent on Sikhism, Ramgarhias, Nirmalas, Nirankaris, Namdharis, Radhaswamis and others. However; “No one failed to notice the absence of the middle class from the perpetrators of this violence in the very middle class area that it occurred. The sign already was ominous that this was the handiwork of marauders from outside, not a spontaneous outpouring of grief.”{1} But mischief mongers were having a hey day to “resurrect fear and hate in Hindu-Sikh relations”.
He took another two prolonged action: one blowing over of Air India’s AI-182 ; and two, a declaration of Khalistan on April 1986 to which I shall refer to shortly.
On June 23, 1985, Air India’s Jumbo, AI-182, Emperor Kanishka, on its flight from Toronto to Delhi was blown away off Irish coast with 329 passengers on board. Another Air India plane the same day at Tokyo had a narrow escape. Zuhair Kashmeri and Brian McAndrew were convinced that it was a handiwork of Indian intelligence agents who had penetrated Canada in a very big way {2}.
The Canadian government came to know of the story, that bomb was placed in the Indian Diplomatic bag but could not permit the Judiciary even after a couple of judiciary commissions. Sardar Gurtej Singh in scintilating analysis concluded that the bomb blast was the work of Indian Government placed in the Diplomatic Bag from Toronto and plane blown up off the coast of Ireland in 1985. Much later, Justice John Major In 2006 who even threatened to quit was not permitted to see the papers.{3} Court to look into the evidence, for fear of Indian government’s threat to harm their trade ties.
It was another year that Longowal and Rajiv met on July 23-24, 1985 when the two signed the Memorandum of Settlement, also known as Rajiv-Longowal Accord. It, interalia, provided for rehabilitation of the army deserters, enactment of all India Gurdwara Act, withdrawal of Armed Forces Special Powers Act, transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab by January 26, 1986, and time bound adjudication of territorial and river water claims. For the first time, contiguity and linguistic affinity, with a village as a unit was recognised. Besides, there were unwritten understanding between the two sides on many points. The worst part of it was that Barnala and Balwant Singh in a hush hush manner kept Logowal in the dark and sold the interests of the Sikhs by agreeing to a dyarchy-with Centre maintaining its stranglehold over law and order in return for their coming into power in Punjab. Longowal was later was shot by militants with the connivance of the Security Forces{4}. Justice Ranganath, sitting judge of Supreme Court was entrusted on April 26, 1985, to enquire into ‘organise violence’ in Delhi, was extended to cover Kanpur and Bokaro (and later Chas Tehsil) in Bihar under the Accord. Misra was followed to concede that “violence in Delhi was indeed organised” and “that the pattern followed at Kanpur and Bokaro was the same.”{5}
Top Congress leaders were apparently enraged; they had nothing but abuse for Rajiv Gandhi without understanding the game plan. Shiv Shankar took the responsibility to play havoc with Commission evisaged in the Accord while Arun Nehru and Buta Singh were waiting in the swings to turn the things upside down. As it comes out, not one of the clause of the Accord was implemented. On top of it, on April 29, 1986, at Darbar Sahib, ‘Panthic Panj Member Committee’ (Panthic Five Member Committee) without a date distributed to press reporters, vetted in Buta Singh’s office, a press release: the statement Khalistan had come into being was amended to read the fight for Khalistan had begun. Rajiv Gandhi was working on Indira’s lines. Buta Singh was kicked up as Home Minister in May 1986 as a reward. Because of the overwhelming evidence,
With the words ‘go ahead,’ Air Force airlifted Special Action Group (SAG) of 1000 commandos of National Security Guards (NSG) and their equipment to Amritsar on May 11 and 12. Meanwhile exchange of firing had gone on intermittently. 800 pilgrims had been evacuated on May 10, but recitation of gurbani had stopped. He was appointed Chairman of National Human Rights Commission, but expressed his disappointment, soon he was put into the Rajya Sabha. He acted as a Commission Agent, and not as Judge of Supreme Court. The first to use the term State TERRORISM in this phase was Minister of State for Home, Kanwaljit Singh, who visited Batala area in June and was grilled by 800 Sikh villagers.{6} Revenue Minister Major Uboke dismissed the massive Khalistan headquarters as ‘Operational Fraud’ or ‘Operation Pakhand’ charade. He contended at a cabinet meeting that “innocent Sikhs and even women” were being harassed and tortured by the security forces. This resulted in Barnala’s unsavoury meeting with Ribeiro who refused to relent.{7} Uboke legitimately asked, “Is he (Ribeiro) superior to Barnala’s government?
There were sporadic killings of innocent villagers by RPS and BSF. But Home Ministry refused to order investigation, ‘as security forces were accountable to nobody for their action’. Even the killing of individuals showed a pattern. By Guru Nanak’s Birthday, October 1986 saw the induction of Rashtrya Sikh Sangat’s entry in the form of Hindu Pracharaks entry into the fold of Sikhism. The Sarbat Khalsa on Diwali, November 1, 1986 appealed to Amnesty International to expose the fake encounters resorted to by the police and security agencies to eliminate the Sikh youth.{8}
Satwant Singh and Kehar Singh were hanged to death on January 6, 1989. Early in January 1986 to the end of 1987, functioned as super cop overriding everyone. Barnala was against the extension of Ribeiro. Instead, he was dismissed and President’s rule was imposed on May 12, 1987. Verily, Dilip Bobb observed, “All over Punjab the issue of fake encounters and ‘state terrorism’ has become overriding and emotional one”. And, Reibeiro and his police force today have the power and the image – of an occupation army...Even Congress (I) MLAs who had supported President’s rule are disillusioned...Police rule had become repression.”{9} In June 13, 1987 14 people were killed in Delhi, followed by waylaying a bus at Lalru in Patiala district and slaughtering 38 Hindu passengers on July 6 1987, followed by two passenger buses in Fatehabad, Haryana leaving 32 dead.
Significantly, the Times of India in front page editorial linked to “the grand destablisation theory favoured by Congress (I) hacks.”{10} By the end of 1987, in the words of Inderjit Badhwar of India Today.”
From the beginning of 1988, there was a spurt in the orchestra test violence in Punjab.{11} The state supported terrorist groups started murderous assaults from end-1987 including families of militants and their sympathisers. Their houses were put to fire. The units were placed under Izhar Alam Senior Superitendent of Police, Amritsar. Sushil Muni appealed to Rajiv Gandhi on January 5, 1988, to release Jodhpur detenues and other head priests, “He favoured the idea but there was tremendous opposition to it from within the government.”{12}
Confusing signals representing union government fractured policy continues. By end of March, heads of militants outfits warned the people against the government outfits killing Sikh families. The very next day, April 1, 1988, state terrorists gunned down 37 persons in Patti and Tarn Taran subdivision. This was shown as “the handiworks of police outs.”{13} Punjab was now entering the new phase of state terrorism – Untempered State Terrorism, which was signified by induction of K.P. Singh Gill, Director General in Punjab Police, at the cost of Ribiero shifted as Advisor to Governor. Gill was conceived as ‘Slave overseen more heartless...than any alien beast.’ He gave the police force the licence to kill the Sikh youth without any qualms.
Illegal detention and elimination of the Sikh youth, thanks to Gilll’s implementation of the Union Home Ministry’s policy of untempered state terrorism, were of the day all over Punjab especially since the middle of 1988. Youths between 15 and 35 years of age, or better still catch them in the streets, and tied hand and foot, with weigths tied around their waists, the bodies were pushed into the canals or river beds to appear years later, with tell tale marks not without anyone being able to recognise their kiths and kins. Someone told me in Gill’s office when I was there in 1988 that the police had taken into custody about 30,000 school going boys who had taken amrit baptism, and they were not being released. Later, the author met the head of CRPF who entrusted a very senior officer to find out about my nephew whom I was searching for. He stated that Sumaid Saini SSP Ludhiana and Bahuguna head of CRPF unit in Ludhiana had liquidated a large body of the Sikh youth, and that he said was more or less true for the whole of Punjab.
Satwant Singh was only a hitman, not the key figure. The best course in the cave would have been to adopt the same posture as adopted by Nathuram Godse. But his lawyer was playing jugglery with the case in light of his idiosyncracies. Kehar Singh’s case was based on circumstantial evidence. Both were hanged on January 6, 1989, one legally and other unjustly. They were termed Shaheed.
The day of recokning came in November, 1989 when Rajiv lost elections. He withdrew the fictitious conspiracy case against Simranjit Singh Mann whose party won 6 of 13 seats, with four going to candidates backed by them. There was obvious need for ‘Nuremberg’ type of trials for ‘guilty’ political officers. Mann candidates had plurality of votes in 74 out of 99 seats, and though should have formed a government in Punjab, at the cost of Badal and Barnala sections. This was not acceptable to not only Congress (I), but also BJP, CPM and Dy PM, Devi Lal. Atal Behari Vajpayee of BJP and Harkishan Singh Surjeet were full of venon. Devi Lal, Gujral and Indrajit Gupta of CPI were the lone voices wanting elections. But VP Singh needed courage: Full of remorse he publicly stated. “One thing I will regret all my life for which I will not pardon myself, that publicly acknowledge my mistake in not holding elections (in Punjab) within six months of the Government coming into power.”{14} He had 23 months and did nothing. KPS Gill throughout remained to head Punjab and continued to play havoc. He was told to remove him, but to no avail.
Chandra Shekhar was one of the few leaders who had condemned Indira’s Operation Blue Star. He now took over as Prime Minister, with the support of Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress (I), who had its own game plan. In the very first meeting, he transferred Gill to Director General of CRPF, and inducted General O.P. Malhotra. Meanwhile at ground level 100,000 to 150,000 troops were spreading out since November 1990 on Punjab borders to carry on Rakshak 1 exercises to plug the border and extend support the civil administration, even in remote areas. To add to the deception, Chandra Shekhar offered to talk to any one, including militants on all matters, inclusive of Khalistan.{15}
Various Akali Dals fell to the trap. Mann met Chandra Shekhar on December 28, 1990 and presentated a memorandum. It emphasised the Sikhs resolve to assert their right of self-determination granted to them by International Law and Article 51 of the Constitution. Both the CPM and Congress (I) were disturbed at the tenor of the talks. A number of Sikh representatives like, AISSF (Manjit), Damdami Taksal, and Panthic Committee led by Manochahal and Zaffarwal saw Chandra Shekhar in July 11, 1991.
Unaware of the goings on, Mann awoke to the threat posed by the Army’s passive involvement in Punjab. In a statement on February 14, 1991, Bhai Kulwant Singh Babbar on behalf of five militant organisations aligned to Panthic Committee (Dr. Sohan Singh) stated: “The militants had no doubt that Mr. Shekhar is flying on borrowed wings (he) could hardly give anything to the Sikhs.” He casts doubts on government’s credibility. The Mann by end of February wanted Governor withdrawn for “having the whole townships searched and insulted lawyers and intellectuals, gagged the press and robbed every Sikh of his self respect. “He characterised Chandra Shekhar dummy government, and added, recently, killings of the Sikhs, by the security forces in false encounters reached the proportion of a genocide.”
Chandra behaved like a crafty purbea, and elections to Assam and Punjab both for Parliamentary and provincial assembly were delinked to June 7 and 21 respectively. Mann faced an uphil task, and was at receiving butt of the rest of Sikh groups in and outside of the elections. Mann’s appeals to the militants to stop fratricidial war, and come to the line fell on deaf years.
It brought back KPS Gill as DG Police. He placed them as SSP (Senior Superintendent of Police) at district level. They began their service career with extra legal powers of life and death, outside the pale of civil power, judiciary or even the constitution. He also drafted as SSPs cold blooded rankers who had excelled themselves in cruelty and heartlessness.{16} Right from the word the Operation Rakshak II, by the army meant terror for all around, everywhere. “During the searchers, the women, other relatives and children are systematically beaten up, maltreated, sexually abused and even raped.{17}
Sukha and Jinda were tried under TADA by a designated court at Pune but were acquitted under TADA but convicted under section 307, 302 and 34 of Indian Penal Code. They should have gone to Maharashtra High Court, but the Supreme Court was in a hurry to confirm the death sentence. Chief Justice M.H. Kania and other judges made a mockery of the Chief Justice cost (Krishna Mahajan, Indian Express Oct.11, 1992). The legal luminaries were aghast. Sukha and Jinda had no confidence in Supreme Court, and did not appeal for reconsideration, much less tender a mercy petition to the President. They were hanged on October 9, 1992, and became Shaheed.
A large number of Sikhs were liquidated. These included notable persons from Khalistan Liberation Force, Babbar Khalsa International, Bhindranwale Tiger Force of Khalistan, Khalistan Commando force & c. There were a number of cases of mistaken identity and in the words of Capt. Kamaljit Singh of Akali Dal (Kabul), “Cash rewards given to the police for killing militants is turning them into mercenaries”. Shahid Chaudhary, Probe India, talk about human rights to a recitation of human scriptures by Satan.{18}
The issue of mass cremation of Sikh youths as unclaimed bodies came to the fore in early 1995, thanks to the spirit of Jaswant Singh Khalra, of Akali Dal’s Human Rights Wing. In three police districts of Amritsar, Patti and Tarn Taran, he spotted 25,000 such cremations till he himself was made to disappear, publicly, by the Punjab police and martyred. Additional Session Judge, Patiala, in November 2005 sentenced to life imprisonment DSP Jaspal Singh and ASI Amarjit Singh, and four others from Punjab Police to 7 years imprisonment in Khalra murder case. KPS Gill was left untouched to the dismay of the people.{19} The Punjab and Haryana High Court later on October 16, 2007 enhanced the sentence of Sub-Inspectors Satnam Singh, Surinder Pal Singh, Jasbir Singh and Head-Constable Prithipal Singh to life imprisonment too.
The case went up to Supreme Court and National Human Rights Commission, with usual acerbic comments about the doings of the police under KPS Gill, but no more. The Akalis as usual, promised to set the things aright, while Prime Minister, Narasimha Rao, at the centre extended his full support to Gill despite Supreme Court’s apparent exasperation.