6
Or
Kharmastian
Punjab Chief Minister Beant Singh sealed his fate when in June-July, 1995, he spoke on Satluj-Yumna link (SYL) Canal; he was emphatic that not a drop of water could flow out as he had no surplus water. Haryana Chief Minister, Bhajan Lal threatened Beant Singh with dire consequenes, for speaking out for Punjab. A bomb blast on August 31, 1995, did rip up Beant Singh and a host of others at Punjab Secretariat, when he was reaching his car.{1} Bhajan Lal had his hunt: so was with K.P.S. Gill.
The Union Government straightaway appointed a Commission to look into the affair. KPS Gill’s veins swelled over. If the truth was known, that will mean the end of Gill. Involved also was Bhajan Lal. The Union Home Ministry was instantly told about the fax pass.
KPS Gill straightaway produced a host of Sikhs from Punjab, Haryana and Delhi, those belonging to Akhand Kirtni Jatha, and others on trumped up charges. He instantly said that the killing of Beant Singh had been solved instantly.{2} As a matter of fact, only few policemen were involved. It was very difficult for one to pinpoint the course of events with car laced with ammunition. At last, they found out one policeman Dilawar Singh Jaisinghwala who agreed to drive the car with ammunition to blow up Chief Minister. He had his own objectives – good of Panth. The actual perpetrators of bomb blast and their collaborators were never questioned, much less put to harm. It started a series of innocent Sikhs being put up to trials. One result of all this was the unceremonious exit of KPS Gill on the last day, December 31, of 1995, in a most humiliation manner. He was replaced by O.P. Sharma, the real man behind the Punjab atrocities.
KPS Gill soon adjusted his vision as a pre-eminent person in the Union Home Ministry. He maintained his position as a most distinguised person with whatever government was at the Centre, including Lal Krishan Advani and Rajnath Singh in 2014 era, including maintaing his residential quarters in New Delhi. His objectives especially in 1997, when Badal took over was to rally the demoralised police force and prevent breakthrough of the morale. To that end BJP and Badal’s Personal Secretary Ramesh Inder Singh, to whom I shall refer later, came quite handy. Shiromani Akali Dal{3}, in February 1995, at Moga Conference, transformed itself as a Punjabi Party to the glee of anti-Sikh and anti-Akali forces. Akali Dal had ceased to be a Sikh party. It had been very fair, they should have formed a new party. But they wanted to use the nomenclature of Shiromani Akali Dal because of its history. Badal’s objective was the formation of a family-oriented party. There was a reason for shunning of Capt. Amarinder Singh, who had a history of his own. He had shown a clear indication that he was an equally good Sikh, and could provide a plausible challenge as a successor in the party. He could also articulate the issues much better.{4} Badal knew his limitations. As such, Amarinder was not given a ticket for one of Patiala seats, to which he had a right. Tohra had his own objectives. Badal right from 1996 thought about shunting out Tohra: he had no confidence in him, as against BJP, whom he could trust.
Election of Badal’s Akali Dal in the end of January 1997 spoke, inter alia, of setting up of Punjab Human Right Commission and redressal of people’s grievances.
In the elections held on February 6, 1997, Badal Akali Dal got 74 seats to BJP’s 18 (the highest so far) with one joint Akali-BJP winner, Congress 14, CPM 2, Akali Dal Mann 1, Bahujan Samaj Party 1, and independents 6. A 10 member Akali-BJP ministry under Badal took over with Akali Dal’s eight and BJP’s two, including Balram Ji Das Tandon. The worst part of it was that Ramesh Inder Singh (who had taken over as Deputy Commissioner, Amritsar, on June 3, 1984, when the Army operation started) took over as Personal Secretary{5 }to Chief Minister.
Badal on floor of the assembly on March 13, 1997, had agreed to set up a Judicial Commission to find out the truth. A Senior Akali Minister stated: “Supporting the police’s controversial method that ushered peace in Punjab could be politically suicidal for us.”{6} The ruling Akali Dal was in a dilemma. The civil liberties organisations which were filing the cases are believed to be working in close association with the politically marginalised hardline Akali factions and the Government is wary of giving them a political handle. Already State Government had shelled out 80 lakhs as compensation in 18 cases. Each time the Court awards compensation, 50 to 100 fresh petitions flow in. Rattled by the growing number of adverse CBI report and left to fend themselves the affected policemen are resorting to desparate shortcuts: offering money for out-of-court settlements. The civil liberties{7} groups, however, vigilante scuttle such moves.
That was the situations when DGP Ajit Singh Sandhu, twice decorated with President’s award for gallantry, under suspension in 16 cases of atrocities, was widely reported to throw himself in front of the Himalayan Queen, on May 23, 1997.{8} Now what is the position? Former Director General, Punjab Police, Shashi Kant, publicly made a disclosure on 10 December 2015, “That Ajit Singh Sandhu is actually living in Canada, after he faked his suicide. Even those who prepared his medical record after his ‘death’ had played a role in his escape.{9}” How such happens? The Government of India’s Intelligence Agencies have a quota to push through their men in countries like USA, Canada, UK, all over Europe especially Germany, France, Itlay, etc, and some others, and people are given special passports and visas, with residential permits. In 1995 in New York, I was told that there were 500 such persons in Americas (both USA and Canada), and when I was there in 2000, I learnt that this number had gone up by another 1000 to 1500. Even about the people I wrote about, were found in UK running Gurdwaras and religious societies apart from Canada and USA and living comfortably. In escape of Ajit Singh Sandhu the role of Badal Government in the Punjab and that of LK Advani can be spotted. They were in collaborations.
Overawed by the quantum of pressure by questionable forces, the Punjabi Hindu mindset, or possibly his own weakness of reading of the situation, Badal succumbed. That mainly plains why Badal did not take action on many points in the election manifesto. The police officers like KPS Gill and the BJP, were crowing and felt elated at Badal’s reticence and their first apparent victory.
This was despite the fact that Police Director General, P.C. Dogra, came out that police did play a role in promotion of militancy. This was after September 1997, even British intelligence agencies sent secret information regarding involvement of some senior Punjab Police Officers with extremist set ups in U.K. and Europe{10} but Prakash Singh continued to maintain Sphinx like attitude.
It was not long that Badal was insipid and lacking in spirit:
a. Justice Kuldip Singh on April 2, 1998, against the wishes of Badal wanted him to set up a Lok Commission, or people’s commission by following Baisakhi to go into the police atrocities against the people; their patience was getting exhausted. So were utterance of people like Satwinder Kaur Dhaliwal, Akali M.P. from Ropar, who earlier in February had stated that now was the time for people taking revenge against dishonour at the hands of the police. Kuldip Singh was not bluffing though he still was willing for Badal’s proceeding against them through the state apparatus. Balramji Das Tandon, senior BJP Minister rejected the Commission putting Badal into a dilemma how to meet election promises. A public interest petition before Punjab and Haryana High Court got it a stay, before the Commission was finally smashed.
b. There was great expectations of Khalsa Tri-centenary celebratation 1999. Gurmat Chetna Lehar with a programme for Singh Sajo Lehar were in line. But there was great despair and despondency in store. The enthusiasm withered away. I specially visited Chandigarh and thought that I will at least be able to talk over to Badal. When I reached his office, I was told that I could see him only through his personal Secretary: when I looked at the name plate, Ramesh Inder Singh, I asked an acquaintance if he was the same person who was Deputy Commissioner in Amritsar at Operation Blue Star? He confirmed. I became cold, and decided not to see him. So I came back disappointed. I found a Brahmin Lady incharge of Anandpur Sahib Celebration, a government affair, who had her own views. This was reflected as Anandpur Sahib Memorial which was full of an echo of Hindu tinge at the cost of Sikh principles. On Baisakhi 1999, all such persons who were cronies of Giani Zail Singh, Darbara Singh or Beant Singh had a prominent position. They were shown their consideration, and given a place of honour. By the time, they had won plum positions. Some one said that Badal had fallen a prey to the forces hostile to pristine Sikhism.
c. In 1998-99, there were secret meetings at the instances of RSS, between BJP led NDA Government at the Centre with Badal led SAD-BJP Government in power in Punjab, when it was suggested to release all the Sikh prisoners clearing all the detenues and clean the slate, as the part of Third Century of Khalsa Celebrations. This was the golden opportunity to solve the problem. Badal said that he was not in favour of solution of the Sikh prisoners, as “such a move would create difficulties for his rule in Punjab”.{11} This was based on leakage of Badal papers in 2005. It was obvious that Badal was advised by his Sala Ramesh Inder Singh (who was killer of mass scale of Sikhs at Amritsar), and his close connect KPS Gill, living close by Badal. Was Badal an agent of Gangu Brahmin whose one daughter, Indira, had firstly in June killed mass-scale Sikhs in Punjab and later in November had wanted to kill One Crore Sikhs in India? It has been a great misfortune we have had such a type of our leaders? If you have such friends, what is the need for enemies?
d. Disclosure under Amarinder Singh of existence of Sukhwinder Singh Sukhi like 2145 state militants operating in Punjab right from late 1980s through Badal’s fiver years in power down to the present times. Sukhi had been travelling around the world at state expense on passport and visas being issued. Significantly, no Court or Human Rights Commission came forward to take notice of the use of state militants to kill the genuine Sikhs, or use the medium of slogan of Khalistan to trap them. Verily, there was collapse of justice system especially concerning the Sikhs. Badal knew about them but put a veil over them to befool the Sikhs.{12}
Before proceeding further I would like what I wrote in 2002 as part IX of the Future of The Sikhs:
There are two elements that have been foremost in causing an irreparable damage to Sikhism. One, KPS Gill, who unnecessarily twisted his moustache, as the real power during the era lay with O.P. Sharma, later appointed to a gubernatorial post in North-East. He worked under direct supervision of Director General, Intelligence Bureau, Government of India. Inspired by mercenary elements, Gill and his cohorts had full support of state terrorism. Akali groups were made to boycott 1992 elections to the state assembly. That brought in Beant Singh, a robot, when the police, and para-military forces ran an unhindered campaign of rape and rapine. That made the Sikh youth, especially in the country-side from 1994 vulnerable, in face of clearcut choice to shed their hair, keshas, to show that they dissociated themselves from the philosophy of Bhindranwale, or face elimination/disappearnce.
Two, Parkash Singh Badal, who as a president of Shiromani Akali Dal, now a Punjab Party, refused to read a party manifesto, a month after his coming into power as Chief Minister in February 1997. He shattered the romanticised Sikh belief that election of Shiromani Akali Dal would resolve their imbalance in their favour or make them assertive. He did nothing to stem the tide of apostasy, directly or indirectly, through SGPC – apparently a Sikh institution – which owed him fealty. There is no need to repeat his refusal to appoint even a Truth Commission, or look into the cases of those detained in jails or continued suicides by farmers. He even did not get a single sheet of paper/record, despite union government’s admission that the army in June 1984 removed bundles of SGPC library material. What for was Shiromani Akali Dal part of National Democratic Alliance, Atal Behari led, government at the centre? Above all, he made the people of Punjab, especially countryside, fully drenched in drugs and wine, with malevolent people in Chandigarh gaining wanton control over people’s proflilgacy. His Punjab-isation of Shiromani Akali Dal in the circumstances only helped to break the shield of Sikh principles, gur maryada, that served as the defence mechanism with the people surrounded in hostile environment. His playing a subservient role to Hindutava forces tended to decimate Sikh ethos among the people. Suffice it to say that the monthly Spokesman, Chandigarh, in mid 2001, on the basis of the mass scale survey, came to the conclusion that during his entire era, Badal government had not performed even one pro-Sikh act. That constituted a fair commentary over Badal’s performance. He continued to indulge in theatrics like celebrations of Tricentenary of Khalsa, or Bi-centenary of Coronation of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. The quantumn of apostasy among the Sikhs during his regime gained tremendous proportions. During this period, however, there were deafening noises of corruption admist corridors of Chandigarh and urban centres of Punjab. It is debatable that he will ever be able to run an agitation on SYL. The Punjab farmer was schedule to lose his control over water resources thanks to Badal, and go into oblivion of ignominity, unless Congress change its course.
The ground for both these elements was prepared by Gurcharan Singh Tohra, who according to his own admission (Khushwant Singh, History of the Sikhs, Vol.2, p.344) came over from Communist Party of India. Throughout the period, according to Kuldip Nayar and Mark Tully, he maintained close liasion with Harkrishan Singh Surjeet of CPM who had emerged as Indira Gandhi’s main confidant (I am not using the more appropriate words, agent) on Punjab. Tohra was the President of SGPC for over a quarter of a century. According to Amarjit Kaur, he brought in a lot of Communists, Marxists, Naxalities and even Agnostics into the Gurdwara administration. Prof. Manjit Singh who had miserably failed as Acting Jathedar of Akal Takht when apostasy first struck the Sikh community in 1994 was his nominee or his creation. The whole of Gurdwara administration needs to be revamped but it is debatable that the Judiciary, which is under state control, would permit that. Badal learnt of Tohra’s baneful influence only after the two fell out in 1999! Surjeet’s main efforts will be to romp home the frustrated and clean shaven ruralite Sikhs into the Communist Party once their break with Badal Akali Dal is complete.
I cannot desist from making a mention of unanimous adoption on July 12, 2004, of the Punjab termination of Agreement Bill, 2004, on their lines adopted by the Punjab Assembly. It was given assent to by the Governor the same day.{13} It must be remembered, it was Captain Amarinder Singh who got the farmers what they had wanted. He was willing to do his job, if needed. Badal was no comparison to him.
Amarinder Singh lost in 2007 Punjab elections because of two factors: One: The Congress stupidly announced that no one will be projected as the prospective Chief Minister: Sonia had not forgotton Amarinder Singh’s adoption of Punjab Termination of Agreements Act, 2004. It was surmised that even if Congress won the forthcoming elections, Amarinder Singh will not be the Congress nominee for Chief Ministership. All this only created confusion and also dismay. Sonia Gandhi saw that perforce it will be better to lose election. Two, the urban Hindu voter, especially in Majha and Doaba, could not bear Punjab’s getting its due share of river water, as against their co-religionists in Haryana and Rajasthan; hence BJP secured 19 out of 23 seats it had fought as against 3 obtained in 2002. Rajinder Kaur Bhattal replaced Amarinder Singh as leader of Congress Assembly party and took over as leader of Opposition.
Shortly after induction as Chief Minister, Badal on March 5, 2007, spoke publicly of his resolve to remove Article 5 or Punjab Termination of Agreements Act (2004). He at first spoke to Atal Behari Vajpayee and Lal Krishan Advani in New Delhi. They flattered him. Haryana and Rajasthan took advantage of public posture and approached Supreme Court. Badal’s or Punjab Senior Advocate denied any intention to scrap Article 5 of PTA Act. How stupid Badal was?
Rajya Sabha required to fill eight seats meant for prominent persons, including eminent intellectuals.
S. Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa, Cabinet Minister, and leader of Akali Party in Parliament, suggested my name for membership to Rajya Sabha against one of 8 seats, and forwarded my bio-data to the Home Minister, Lal Krishan Advani. I had mentioned that my work had been evocatively acclaimed by Prof. Noel Q. King of Calilfornia University as one of the greatest works on Sikh history. It had mentioned of my extra-perceptory work in External Affairs especially on Pakistan and Iran. In two days, came in the newspapers that seven people had been approved – leaving one seat available. I immediately sought an appointment with Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and for the purpose rang his Secretary. He instantly said, he very well knew me. A word from Parkash Singh Badal will do. In a split second, I ruled that out.
Another notable event was the Hukumnama, edict, of July 10 2003, to excommunicate from the Panth, S.Gurbaksh Singh Kala Afghana, now resident of Canada. Prof. Gurtej Singh, who earlier was named National Professor of Sikh History, from Chandigarh had waited to no effect, for a hearing on behalf of Khalsa Afghan on his explication of the Gurmat and Gurbani, Sikh religion and Philosophy. But the 5 jathedars not knowing of decca of Gurmat, excommunicated him for his absence. Some of them, including the head-Jathedar were in pay of RSS, and could have excommunicated even Guru Nanak. Subsequently in 2004, they excommunicated S. Joginder Singh of Spokesman and later in 2005 issued orders that people should stop reading that newspaper. Such was the quality of Jathedars? The power of Takht Chiefs to ex-communicate was challenged- to no results.
With Badal’s induction in 2007, his Sala took over as Chief Secretary, Government of Punjab. It became free for all with people against whom were multi-horror charges in the police. KPS Gill’s position got strengthened.
a. Badal shortly after his take over, issued orders that the Rozana Spokesman should not be given any advertisement by Punjab government as if Akal Takht had become adjunct of Punjab Government.
b. By March 2007, Malwa region MLA pleaded with Sonia Gandhi to bail out Gurmat Ram Rahim on three CBI charges, viz, killing of Sirsa based journalist Ram Chander Chhattrapatti, a former inmate Ranjit Singh, and for sexual abuse of a number of Sadhvis at his house named The Cave. A Jalandhar Newspaper, closely connected to Badal, highlighted his blasphemy, belittling Guru Gobind Singh’s administration of amrit This invoked upsurge with naked swords and with violence in the streets. Gurmat Ram Rahim became a prominent and prestigious person. Around May 16, Dera staff released a CD and photograph showing Sukhbir Singh Badal sitting on the chair and Prakash Singh Badal with folded hands; Badal was told to lower the people’s resentment, failing which they threatened to release another CD and photographs showing Surinder Kaur Badal visiting Dera Chief visiting his house, or The Cave. This flattened Badal completely. To prevent that, and cover up the dignity of and honour of his wife, Badal accordingly passed on a hint to Jathedar Vedanti. This led to a meaningness hukamnamah{14} Shortly afterwards Gurmat Ram Rahim got from Haryana Z+ plus security, - the No.2 in hierarchy or he became a celebrity in the eyes of Government of India.
c. Another case of involvement of Surinder Kaur Badal as also of Parkash Singh Badal related to Divya Jyoti run by Noormahalias. The disclosures of amorous activities by one of their inmates, wrought havoc over seven offices of Spokesman, as if these had been hit by a hurricane, with impunity. These ranged from Batala, Amritsar, Jalandhar, Ludhiana, Moga, Muktasar to Patiala. At some of places, like Patiala Divya Jyoti inmates were taken into custody too. The police was in advance in the know of Jyoti Divya attack. Parkash Singh Badal did not even seek a police enquiry into Noormahlila activity. No court took notice of it. The Spokesman mentioned of the loss of 40 lakhs straightaway. However with people’s consent, the price of Rozanna Spokeman was increased from Rs 3 to Rs 4 per copy.{15} Also, he puts, a multiplying at the cost of lands. It is for someone else to work out how much people contributed by paying 1 Rupee extra from 2007 to 2016. To me, it seems the Sikh Community mus have contibuted abut 65% of the cost and it is still rising. The total cost now is estimated at Rupees 600 crores. But he has only one daughter. It is obvious that the Ucha Dar Baba Nanak Da should have a meaningful control over the complex. S. Joginder Singh has worked and what happened thereafter? Obviously, a cooperative spirit should be introduced starightaway. The Sikhs have already lost the daily Hindustan Times and I would not like such a situation to arise in a future.
A new law was formally laid down by Additional Sessions Judge, Delhi, Rajender Kumar Shastri in a November 1984 anti-Sikh killlings case, registered after a decade. On March 26, 2007, Shastri sentenced to life imprisonment three accused. Citing Supreme Court judgement altering death penalty to life imprisonment – in case of Kishori and Manohar Lal – the court affirmed that these could not be treated as “rarest of rare” cases. Nirajan Singh was Head Constable with Delhi Police, on duty at Shahdara Railway Station on November 1, was killed, while his 17 years old son, Gurpal Singh and son-in-law Mahender Singh were killed next day, November 2, 1984. For killing of Sikhs, even on government duty, and in whatsoever manner, no Hindu or a Muslim could be sentenced to death.{16} Veil was no-lifted on 12 years old former Chief Minister Beant Singh’s killing case. As mentioned earlier, this was a trumped up case and there was no rule of law for the Sikhs. The prosecutor put out extraordinary large number of witnesses. Special judges were frequently changed to prevent them from applying their mind, or bump off those who showed more inquisitiveness. The result was miscarriage of justice. On July 31, 2007, Special Judge, R.K. Sondhi, sentenced Jagtar Singh Hawara and Balwant Singh (formerly of Punjab police) to death, and three others Lakhwinder Singh, Gurmit Singh and Shamsher Singh to life imprisonment, and Nasib Singh to 10 years. Navjot Singh earlier had been acquitted, and some others were reported to have escaped into a neighbouring country. People upholding Sikh values had been uprooted. Is Supreme Court even now (2016) do justice? Let us see what is in store for us.
The bomb blast on October 14, 2007, at Uphaar Cinema Ludhiana, leaving migrant Muslims 7 dead and two dozen injured on eve of Id, left the police clueless. But it indulged in the number of speculations, ranging from Babbar Khalsa, to Kashmiri Militants, HUI, short of running after Hindu militancy. A large body of Sikhs were harassed. KPS Gill’s statement that “There is no ideological content left to facilitate the return of terrorism and the old terrorists have all retired”, only showed that police was not willing to investigate Hindu terrorists.
The farmers rally of 30,000 to 40,000 on February 26, 2008, was a flop. Badal Government did not do what Haryana in case of Arthiyas. The whole situation was a cruel joke on farmers. Similarly was the situation of government school teachers in rural areas where there were no teachers.
What type are Badals – Parkash Singh, his son Sukhbir Singh Badal, and her daughter Harsimran Kaur, and members of their party Akali Dal, A Punjabi Party? All of them went over to temple, wore Muktas, and tilak on their forehead. Sometime worship Shivlingas, conducted Ramayan Paths. So did Sucha Singh Langah, and Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa; whereas Navjot Singh Sidhu had dhoti and janeau, and participation in yagyopavit.{17} Lakshmi Kanta Chawla was clear that they don’t worship outside the temple. So, the Congressite Sikhs do not go to temples for worship. What is wrong with the Sikhs of Badalites. They know nothing about Guru Nanak’s Sikhism? Jaswant Singh Neki, who was a founder member of ISSF in 1944 now in 2007 said, “murti which vi rabb hai”. There is God in Murti, statue; Guru Nanak did not find God in murti, but a new type of scholars have cropped up who think differently.
II
The struggle for release of the Sikhs in jails launched by Bapu Surat Singh has spread into wide spread spectrum, and have earned a wide escalation. There is, however, no reaching any resolution to the problem, and the Government is trying to trivalise the intentions.
* Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992, was a cooperative work with Sangh Parivar, Narasimaha Rao Government at the Centre, and the Supreme Court. At convenient times, A.S.Liberhan Commission took 18 years to give the report, so that no one from Sangh Parivar, including Lal Krishan Advani, comes to harm.
* Hyderabad’s Mecca Masjid Case and other numerous of cases, including Samjhauta Express Case were conveniently pushed out.
* Very recently, August 2015, Lords of Supreme Court had Sushil and Gopal Ansal of criminal negligence on several counts’ but set them free.
There are forces working for responsibility in authority, but the Judges are working for Higher Class people.
* As against two studies from June 2013 to January 2015 based on interviews with existing sentenced to death, are numbering 385. Among those sentenced to death, numbering about 93.5 percent are dalits and religious minorities dominate. In the case of death penality, from 2000 to 2015, there is rampant overuse of the death penality.{1}
Verily, Supreme Court later spoke of terror and related offences, and waging war, will affect national security, without going into veracity and accuracy.
* How the Supreme Court on April 12, 2013, did not accept the death sentence of Bhullar, and how the action narrated about the bomb blast in 1993, ordered by KPS Gill (and brought about by his Deputy Sumad Singh Saini) is narrated in Appendix IV. Manjinder Singh Bitta, the beneficiary of the the bomb blast, spilled out the beans under emotional imbalance was narrating the scenes from 12 O’clock to midnight on April 12, 2013 at various TV Stations. The Prime Minister on April 12, Chief Justice on April 26, and the Union Home Secretary at PM’s instance at my submision on May 28, 2013 were told that NEW FACTS HAVE COME TO LIGHT IN 1993 Bomb blast, but all of them were not able to order a CBI enquiry. The whole machinery of government just got into a stop at the instance of one person (KPS GiLL), but no one – neither PM, nor Chief Justice or Home Secretary, had shown up the courage. Right or wrong, government was shown on the wrong foot, but telling the truth about Bomb Blast was not on the bill of the government. The Government machinery including the PM and Chief Justice smacked of weird outlook. Last of all, Justice Markandey Katju went to Prime Minister, just after the defeat of the Government in 2014, to release Bhullar, but he said there was a lot of pressure on him (who were people?), and he could not do anything.
Where was impartiality, integrity and justness?
Badal is Hinduistic in Sikh grab. His commitment to Guru Nanak’s philosophy is non existent. His commitment to diverse sects from Gurmat Ram Rahim to Divya Jyoti, to Ravidasia Dera, to numerous Sant Babas and Sant Samajs, apart from Hindi Mandirs